scholarly journals Weak Local Parliament's Role: A Case Study of the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial People's Representative Assembly, 2009-2014

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajar Nursahid ◽  
Aditya Perdana ◽  
Maswadi Rauf

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajar Nursahid ◽  
◽  
Aditya Perdana ◽  
Maswadi Rauf

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 127-132
Author(s):  
Bhanu B Panthi

This research attempts to identify the existing condition of the community managed forest based on the assumption that it will serve as a proxy for the condition of other forests in the mid hills region of Nepal. The research area has an atypical variation in altitude and diverse pattern of vegetation. This study mainly focuses on estimating carbon content in the forest and identifying the species that has more carbon storage capacity. The research signifies the role of forests in mitigation of ‘Global warming’ and ‘Climate change’ by storing carbon in tree biomass. These types of community based forest management programs are significant for their additional carbon sequestration through the avoidance of deforestation and degradation. The carbon sequestration have a significant contribution to environmental benefits, any shrinkage of forests have an enormous impact on CO2 emission with long term consequences. Thus, the development and expansion of community managed forests provide many benefits to the adjacent community and globally at large.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njst.v12i0.6490 Nepal Journal of Science and Technology 12 (2011) 127-32 


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 470-476
Author(s):  
Hazrat Bilal ◽  
Shaista Gohar ◽  
Ayaz Ali Shah

An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Reyes-Housholder

AbstractSince 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions,presidentasare more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms,presidentamandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men,presidentasare most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory thatpresidentasare most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audra Jovani

This article explores women’s representation in politics in the Province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur/NTT) between 2014 and 2019. Since 2004, Indonesia has seen the implementation of a strategy to boost the level of female representation in parliament through affirmative action. However, the 30% target quote has not yet been achieved. Women’s representation in politics is an important indicator in the political system reflecting a recognition of the existence and interests of women as citizens. The success of the initiative is highlighted by the fact that the 2014 legislative elections saw female representation in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD NTT) increase by 100% from the 2009 election representation levels. Using the case study method and analyzing the process, this article argues that NTT women already have the awareness to actively participate in politics and become party representatives and legislative members. The presence of women in parliament is necessary to achieve gender equality and improve women’s welfare through gender-responsive policies. Keywords: representation, politics, women, east nusa tenggara


Commonwealth ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Niebler ◽  
A. Lanethea Mathews-Schultz

Despite ongoing interest in the role of gender in American elections, highlighted most recently by Hillary Clinton’s historic bid for the presidency in 2016 and the 2018 “Year of the Woman” elections, recent studies have shown that gender alone is not enough to explain voter behavior. This is especially true in an increasingly ideologically polarized landscape in which party and ideology retain significant explanatory power regarding electoral outcomes. The saliency of gender identity and gender issues may also vary across time and context. Moreover, voters may not have full information about the underrepresentation of women or of the consequences of gender imbalances in elective institutions, raising uncertainty about whether women’s representation in politics matters to voters. In this article, using data from a unique exit poll, we examine the extent to which knowledge about women’s representation and perceptions about gender and women’s issues mattered to Pennsylvanians’ vote choice in the 2016 and 2018 elections. We find that neither gender nor party alone can explain men’s and women’s political behavior, but rather that gender and party interact in complex ways. Although party continues to be the best predictor of vote choice, gender matters to how voters understand and explain women’s underrepresentation in politics—a finding that has important implications for furthering gender equality in politics in the future.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Comparative research highlights electoral systems as an important variable explaining cross-national variations in women’s political representation worldwide. This chapter summarizes key patterns in women’s representation globally. It maps existing research on gender and electoral systems, focusing on the role of electoral formulas, district and party magnitude, and ballot structure in shaping women’s opportunities to be elected. It then identifies three areas within the gender literature that have foregrounded elements of electoral systems to generate new insights into central dynamics of political life. The chapter concludes with a discussion of emerging areas of research related to gender, electoral systems, and political representation.


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