Weak Local Parliament's Role: A Case Study of the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial People's Representative Assembly, 2009-2014

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.

Weak Local Parliament's Role: A Case Study of the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial People's Representative Assembly, 2009-2014

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.

Z Houses. Nuovi servizi dedicati ai giovani nel Dipartimento Dipendenze della ASL Napoli2Nord

The study focuses on the characteristics of the Generation Z – that is, young people born from 2000 to today. These are digital natives, who own various devices and use them for several hours per day. Social communication is fast, iconic, changeable. Social media are used not only to exchange content, but also to structure emotional relationships and to abreact tensions and emotions. These young people were born into mononuclear families. They no longer recognize the normative authority of the father and family of origin. They are much more susceptible to social influences. The peer group is chosen to confer identity, as a vehicle for experiencing. Experience, multiple, often extreme or dangerous, is the main tool for growth, having supplanted learning by means of legislation and symbolism. These guys are notoriously distant from the current Public Addiction Services. They perceive them as old and inadequate. They don't represent themselves as addicts, they don't understand why they should be healed, or what they should be healed from. Furthermore, they perceive the current operators, with their specialist training, as useless to their hunger for experience. As a result of these anthropological and technological changes, the Author puts forward a series of reflections on the changes to be made in the Addiction Services – in order to become attractive for these young abusers – and gives as an example the Youth Services programmed in the Addiction Department Pathologies of the Napoli2Nord ASL, from the Z. House to the Ser.D. Web.

The Philosophy of Work

This chapter identifies three domains of philosophical questions about work. First, an ontological issue: What is work? This question is both historical and conceptual, as questions in social ontology usually are. Second, an ethical issue: How does work fit into the good life? The hard problem here is to substitute, in new economic conditions, for the four main things a good job currently does: first, produce the goods and services we need, while also providing people with income, sociability, and significance. These are issues on which many popular writers on the “Fourth Industrial Revolution” and on globalization have, of course, written for some time. But what’s lacking, the chapter claims, is serious organized reflection on the normative issues raised by these challenges. And that leads to the third cluster of concerns: How should law and other sources of normative authority be configured to allow work to contribute to the flourishing of workers, and how should the opportunities and rewards of work be shared?

Rethinking Social Roles: Conflict and Modern Life

Does sociology have anything to gain by returning to the concept of social role? Has this concept been irretrievably damaged by its significance in functionalist theory? This article aims to recover the role concept through a consideration of alternative perspectives on normativity, illustrated through research on motherhood. A pragmatist re-conception of role is defended as a way of focusing on those aspects of social structures which exert normative authority over agents, while remaining open to some degree of interpretation. This perspective treats roles not as fixed mechanisms of functional coordination or social reproduction, but instead as variable sites of mutual accountability. The article argues that a pragmatist version of the role concept supports explanation of non-determined agency and complex, uncertain and conflictual forms of normative authority. Treated in these terms, the role concept offers a valuable route to understanding the creative quality of agency and normativity.

Refleksja jako źródło autorytetu. Podmiotowość moralna w świetle argumentu konstytutywizmu Korsgaard

The authority of reflection. Moral agency in the light of Korsgaard’s constitutive arguments: In this paper I address the question as to whether Christine Korsgaard’s account of normative relations between the moral agent and the ends of her actions which constitutes her practical identity avoids falling into the trap of being just another abstract theory in moral philosophy. Proponents of constitutive arguments for the normative authority of reasons for action offer a promising approach to this meta‐ethical question by arguing that the normative authority of reasons is found within the practice of reasoning itself (in agency itself). In two constitutive arguments for the normativity of rational requirements, Korsgaard attempts first to argue that “the normative question” does not consist in looking merely for an explanation of moral practices but in asking “What justifies the claims that morality makes on us?”, and secondly to establish that the reason why ethical standards make claims on us is that they represent commands which are constitutive of having a self (the cost of violating ethical standards is the loss of practical identity). Korsgaard deals with these two arguments using her own modified version of the reflective endorsement method. She claims that the reflective structure of human consciousness establishes the normative relation we have to ourselves and that this is a relation of authority (that is the source of obligation). I argue that Korsgaard’s account of action as self‐constitution (the constitution of a practical sense of identity) fails to arrive at establishing the authority of reflection. I draw on the discussed claim that reasoned authority for our actions comes from reflective scrutiny (the test of reflection). Viewing the Kantian model of practical reason which lies at the basis of Korsgaard’s approach, I suggest the possibility of applying the Aristotelian model of practical reason as an useful framework for the reflective endorsement strategy.

El ‘Full de la Cultura’ (1982-1983), de la ‘Hoja del Lunes’ de Barcelona, i els continguts sobre la llengua catalana

L’objectiu del present article és donar a conèixer el Full de la Cultura i analit­zar els textos sobre la llengua catalana que l’esmentat suplement cultural de la Hoja del Lunes de Barcelona va fer públics. Els resultats de la investigació evidencien que el Full de la Cultura es va posar en marxa arran de l’arribada del periodista Josep Maria Cadena a la direcció del setmanari, va sortir entre el 7 de juny de 1982 i el 21 de febrer de 1983, i va ser elaborat per periodistes i escriptors sensibles a l’ús del català. Va afegir-se, així, a les publicacions que, durant la Transició, estaven escrites en aquest idioma, en aquest cas amb l’ob­jectiu de difondre continguts culturals d’actualitat, sobre literatura, drama­túrgia, música, arts plàstiques, filosofia i llengua. Així, el Full de la Cultura va continuar la tradició de la premsa de Catalunya a l’hora de dedicar espais a parlar de diferents aspectes de la llen­gua catalana com a contingut d’interès social: l’autoritat i el corpus normatius, la situació a l’ensenyament i als mitjans de comunicació, el model d’estàndard més adequat per a l’època, la correcció lingüística, trobades acadèmiques de prestigi, la sociolingüística i novetats bibliogràfiques. Catalan Language Content in the Supplement ‘Full de la Cultura’ (1982-1983) of Barcelona’s Weekly Newspaper ‘Hoja del Lunes’ The objective of this paper is to raise awareness of the Full de la Cultura and analyze the texts about Catalan lan­guage made public by this cultural sup­plement to Barcelona’s Hoja del Lunes. The results of the research show that the Full de la Cultura was launched with the appointment of the journalist Josep Maria Cadena as the director of the weekly magazine, which was published between June 7, 1982 and February 21, 1983. It was produced by journalists and writers who were sen­sitive to the use of Catalan. Thus, this weekly became one of the publications during the Transition that were written in this language, with the aim of dis­seminating current cultural content re­lated to literature, drama, music, visual arts, philosophy and language. In this sense, the Full de la Cultura continued the Catalan press tradition of devoting space to discussing different aspects of the Catalan language as a type of con­tent of social interest, and addressed such issues as normative authority and standard corpuses, its position in both education and the media, the most ap­propriate standard model for the time, linguistic correction, prestigious aca­demic conferences, sociolinguistics and bibliographical novelties.

Cultivating Normative Authority: The Biden Administration, Migration, and the International Legal Order

President Biden faces many hurdles to constructing an effective international legal order on migration, not least of which is the absence of any such structure even prior to the dual challenges of the nationalist fallout of the Trump administration's rhetoric and policies and the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet the excesses of cruelty under Trump and the social instability resulting from the pandemic may have created political space for the Biden administration to lay the groundwork for a more comprehensive international structure that governs migration of all kinds. To that end, President Biden should cultivate normative authority in the migration arena by shifting the national discourse, shoring up international agreements and institutions, and building regional cooperation.