scholarly journals Le sort des migrants africains en Chine : L' afrophobie entrave la course de la Chine pour les ressources et les marchés de l'Afrique

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ : Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is ‘the destroyed nation and the annihilated race’. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional ‘laziness’. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a ‘wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa’. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of ‘foreigners’, focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the expansion of bilateral Chinese petty trade in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 2000s and the subsequent influx of African petty traders into China. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : La discrimination à l'encontre des quelque 500 000 immigrés africains (pour la plupart irréguliers) s'est récemment répandue en Chine. Pendant la pandémie de corona, cela dégénère en une véritable afrophobie. Peu de temps auparavant, cinq Nigérians de Guangzhou auraient été testés positifs pour Covid-19. Les Africains sont largement accusés d'être des trafiquants de drogue et des criminels. En outre, ils mettraient en danger la compétitivité mondiale de la Chine pour les ressources de l'Afrique par le biais du dénigrement médiatiques à l'étranger. Les rapports actuels témoignent du déplacement des migrants africains des maisons et des hôtels de Guangzhou (Canton), où vivent la plupart des Africains. Ils dépendent de réseaux informels, pour la plupart illégaux, pour pouvoir rester dans le pays. Dans les réseaux sociaux en ligne, l'afrophobie et le cyber-racisme sont particulièrement prononcés. Ainsi, le racisme est plus profondément enraciné dans la mentalité de nombreux Chinois qu'on ne le pense généralement. Selon un proverbe chinois traditionnel, le plus grand mal à éviter est « la nation détruite et la race anéantie ». En outre, depuis 2005, l'accaparement des terres par des entrepreneurs chinois en Afrique subsaharienne a attiré l'attention de la communauté internationale. Son objectif principal est d'assurer la sécurité alimentaire en Chine et de profiter de la spéculation céréalière internationale. Il a été légitimé racialement dès le départ, avec des slogans tels que, seuls les investissements chinois pouvaient sauver les Africains de leur « paresse » traditionnelle.

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ : Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is ‘the destroyed nation and the annihilated race’. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional ‘laziness’. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a ‘wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa’. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of ‘foreigners’, focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the expansion of bilateral Chinese petty trade in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 2000s and the subsequent influx of African petty traders into China. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : La discrimination à l'encontre des quelque 500 000 immigrés africains (pour la plupart irréguliers) s'est récemment répandue en Chine. Pendant la pandémie de corona, cela dégénère en une véritable afrophobie. Peu de temps auparavant, cinq Nigérians de Guangzhou auraient été testés positifs pour Covid-19. Les Africains sont largement accusés d'être des trafiquants de drogue et des criminels. En outre, ils mettraient en danger la compétitivité mondiale de la Chine pour les ressources de l'Afrique par le biais du dénigrement médiatiques à l'étranger. Les rapports actuels témoignent du déplacement des migrants africains des maisons et des hôtels de Guangzhou (Canton), où vivent la plupart des Africains. Ils dépendent de réseaux informels, pour la plupart illégaux, pour pouvoir rester dans le pays. Dans les réseaux sociaux en ligne, l'afrophobie et le cyber-racisme sont particulièrement prononcés. Ainsi, le racisme est plus profondément enraciné dans la mentalité de nombreux Chinois qu'on ne le pense généralement. Selon un proverbe chinois traditionnel, le plus grand mal à éviter est « la nation détruite et la race anéantie ». En outre, depuis 2005, l'accaparement des terres par des entrepreneurs chinois en Afrique subsaharienne a attiré l'attention de la communauté internationale. Son objectif principal est d'assurer la sécurité alimentaire en Chine et de profiter de la spéculation céréalière internationale. Il a été légitimé racialement dès le départ, avec des slogans tels que, seuls les investissements chinois pouvaient sauver les Africains de leur « paresse » traditionnelle.


Author(s):  
Simplice A. Asongu ◽  
Joseph Amankwah‐Amoah ◽  
Rexon T. Nting ◽  
Godfred Adjapong Afrifa

Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 496
Author(s):  
Caroline Deignan ◽  
Alison Swartz ◽  
Sara Cooper ◽  
Christopher J. Colvin

Cervical cancer rates in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are amongst the highest worldwide. All three of the Human Papillomavirus (HPV) vaccines (9-valent, quadrivalent and bivalent HPV vaccine) provide primary protection against the most common cancer-causing strains of HPV (types 16 and 18) that are known to cause 70% of cervical cancers. Over the last five years, there has been an increase in Sub-Saharan African countries that have introduced the HPV vaccine. The majority of research has been conducted on supply-side barriers and facilitators to HPV vaccination uptake in SSA, yet little research has been conducted on demand-side or end-user perspectives of, and decisions around, HPV vaccination. In order to complement existing research, and inform current and future HPV vaccination implementation approaches, this qualitative systematic review explored Stakeholders’ understandings of HPV vaccination in SSA. This review searched the following databases: Embase (via Scopus), Scopus, MEDLINE (via PubMed), PubMed, EBSCOhost, Academic Search Premier, Africa-Wide Information, CINAHL, PsycARTICLES, PsycINFO, SocINDEX, Web of Science, and the Cochrane Controlled Register of Trials (CENTRAL) and found a total of 259 articles. Thirty-one studies were found eligible for inclusion and were analyzed thematically using Braun and Clarke’s methods for conducting a thematic analysis. The quality of included studies was assessed using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist. Three major themes emerged from this analysis; knowledge of HPV vaccination and cervical cancer is intertwined with misinformation; fear has shaped contradictory perceptions about HPV vaccination and gender dynamics are relevant in how stakeholders understand HPV vaccination in SSA.


2018 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. S155 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Grover ◽  
M. Narasimhamurthy ◽  
R. Bhatia ◽  
C. Benn ◽  
K. Fearnhead ◽  
...  

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 796-796
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Katz

Drs Terry and Schneider raise legitimate questions regarding changes in polio immunization recommendations. In response to the former, although two doses of inactivated polio vaccine provide humoral immunity that will protect an individual against central nervous system invasion by wild or revertant attenuated polioviruses, they do not provide intestinal immunity, a valued asset of oral polio vaccine (OPV). Because we live in a global community where jet transportation enables one to move from a polio-endemic area to a polio-free area in less than one day, the introduction of wild polio viruses from sub-Saharan Africa or Southeast Asia poses a legitimate threat and concern to those who wish to maintain community protection, in addition to individual protection, against possible reintroduction of wild virus to the United States.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-164
Author(s):  
Dan Royles

This chapter describes the work of The Balm in Gilead, which grew out of the efforts of Pernessa Seele, an immunologist at Harlem Hospital, to organize local Black faith leaders to address AIDS through the Harlem Week of Prayer for the Healing of AIDS. As Seele trained African American clergy to incorporate AIDS education into their ministry, she also confronted entrenched homophobia in Black religious institutions. Accordingly, The Balm in Gilead designed programs that would help churches accept and include gay members. In 2001, Seele contracted with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to extend her work with Black churches to sub-Saharan Africa, setting up programs in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania. She argued that because of Black people’s particular relationship with church and faith, the approach that The Balm in Gilead had developed in the United States would work in Africa as well. At the same time, this work intersected with a growing interest in addressing “global AIDS” among U.S. leaders, including Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, who saw the spread of the disease in Africa as a growing threat to international security.


Author(s):  
Eleanor M. Fox ◽  
Mor Bakhoum

This chapter identifies four clusters of nations based on state of development, in order to highlight significant qualitative differences that may call for different law and policies. The first cluster comprises the least developed sub-Saharan African countries with the most resource-challenged competition authorities, such as Benin and Togo. The second cluster compromises nations that have advanced economically to a perceptibly higher level. The third cluster is a “group” of one—South Africa. With all of its challenges, the South African competition regime is as close to a gold standard as there is in sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, for comparison, the fourth cluster comprises the developed countries, led in particular by the European Union and the United States. These nations have open economies, fairly robust markets, good infrastructure, and good institutions. The chapter proceeds to identify, from the point of view of each of the clusters, the most fitting competition framework nationally and globally. The chapter proposes how the divergences can be brought into sympathy.


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