scholarly journals Zwischen Protest und Parodie: Strukturen der »Querdenken«-Kommunikation auf Telegram (und anderswo)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Holzer

The paper investigates the structure of digital communication among corona-sceptic groups on Telegram. Starting from the local group "Querdenken 753," it analyzes a communicative network that connects the anti-lockdown protests with a large number of Telegram accounts, ranging from news sources over conspirational to extremist channels. Criticizing the "mainstream" media, science and politics, the arguments and framing strategies in this network imitate but also parody how information, facts and truth are negotiated in public discourse.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-155
Author(s):  
Mathias Möschel

This article focuses on the legal construction of the notion of anti-White racism in France. By analyzing cases litigated under criminal law, it describes how a right-wing NGO has been promoting this notion via a litigation strategy since the late 1980s, initially with only limited success. Public debates in mainstream media in the 2000s and intervention by more traditional antiracist NGOs in courts have since contributed to a creeping acceptance of anti-White racism both within courtrooms and in broader public discourse. This increased recognition of anti-White racism is highly problematic from a critical race and critical Whiteness perspective.


Author(s):  
Alberto Pepe ◽  
Corinna Di Gennaro

We analyze the organization, promotion and public perception of "V-day", a political rally that took place on 8 September 2007, to protest against corruption in the Italian Parliament. Launched by blogger Beppe Grillo, and promoted via a word of mouth mobilization on the Italian blogosphere, V-day brought close to one million Italians in the streets on a single day, but was mostly ignored by mainstream media. This article is divided into two parts. In the first part, we analyze the volume and content of online articles published by both bloggers and mainstream news sources from 14 June (the day V-day was announced) until 15 September 2007 (one week after it took place). We find that the success of V-day can be attributed to the coverage of bloggers and small-scale local news outlets only, suggesting a strong grassroots component in the organization of the rally. We also find a dissonant thematic relationship between content published by blogs and mainstream media: while the majority of blogs analyzed promote V-day, major mainstream media sources critique the methods of information production and dissemination employed by Grillo. Based on this finding, in the second part of the study, we explore the role of Grillo in the organization of the rally from a network analysis perspective. We study the interlinking structure of the V-day blogosphere network, to determine its structure, its levels of heterogeneity, and resilience. Our analysis contradicts the hypothesis that Grillo served as a top-down, broadcast-like source of information. Rather, we find that information about V-day was transferred across heterogeneous nodes in a moderately robust and resilient core network of blogs. We speculate that the organization of V-day represents the very first case, in Italian history, of a political demonstration developed and promoted primarily via the use of social media on the Web.


Author(s):  
Ingrid Volkmer

The globalized spheres of digital communication require a substantial revision of conventional conceptions of ‘the public sphere’. This article lays out the core strands of such a new debate by identifying the limitations of traditional public sphere approaches which are caused by the boundedness of the foci on the national ‘container’ model associated with the European nation state. Instead of limiting publicness to national boundaries, new approaches are required to understand the new discursive spheres of connectivity of citizens across all society types, today enabled by digital communication. Such an approach is necessary to map out the new dimension of public discourse. The article concludes with the suggestion of a model of publicness understood as ‘reflective interdependence’ connecting citizens across societies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Rohmanur Aziz

This study aims to reveal the role of the media in disseminating information regarding the cancellation of the departure of pilgrims from the critical discourse dimensions. Therefore, this research method uses Critical Discourse Analysis from Norman Fairclough. The results of this study indicate that the role of the media in the cancellation policy of Hajj pilgrims in 2021 consists of three essential things. First, the media sided with the news content about the cancellation of the hajj based on norms by the law and various derivative regulations. Second, the mainstream media group has its concept in understanding how to disseminate the information so that it can become a public discourse and understand the public after being back on the mainstream media stage. Third, the media behaves like a ‘pendulum’ that can go back and forth to contribute to "orchestrating" the public discourse in this context regarding the cancellation of the departure of the pilgrims.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap peranan media dalam menyebarluaskan informasi mengenai pembatalan keberangkatan jamaah haji dilihat dari dimensi-dimensi wacana kritis. Oleh karena itu metode penelitian ini menggunakan Analisis Wacana Kritis dari Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peranan media dalam kebijakan pembatalan jemaah haji tahun 2021 terdiri dari tiga hal penting. Pertama, media berpihak pada konten pemberitaan tentang pembatalan haji berdasarkan pada norma yang sesuai dengan undang-undang dan berbagai peraturan turunannya. Kedua, kelompok media arus utama memiliki konsep tersendiri dalam memahami cara menyebarluaskan informasi sehingga dapat menjadi wacana publik, namun sekaligus dapat memahamkan publik setelah kembali dimainkan di panggung media arus utama. Ketiga, media berperilaku sebagai bandul pendulum yang dapat bolak-balik berkontribusi dalam “mengorkestrakan” wacana publik dalam konteks ini tentang pembatalan pemberangkatan jemaah haji.     


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Amer Qasem ◽  
Adnan Bin Hussein

AbstractThis study compares between the performance of the U.S. and Arab mainstream media following the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The textual coverage of the CNN and Al Jazeera of the 2017 Al Aqsa Mosque/Temple Mount Crisis is under examination through operationalizing Wolfsfeld’s (1997b) meta-frames. A set of reasoning and framing devices have been employed to identify the labelling of involved actors and committed actions, the degree of reliance and personalization of news sources, the victimization of casualties and the legitimization of violence. This study concludes that the Law and Order frame, which is communicated with the Israeli perspective is dominated in the related CNN coverage. On the other hand, the Injustice and Defiance frame that represents the Palestinian perspective has chiefly appeared in Al Jazeera related coverage. In the CNN, the Israeli actors and actions have been almost labelled positively in contrast with the Palestinian actors and actions that have been labelled in a negative manner. The degree of personalization and reliance on Israeli news sources is notably greater than the Palestinian ones. Likewise, the Israeli casualties have been remarkably victimized and individualized more than their counterparts. Moreover, the Israeli violence and killing have been legitimized, whereas the Palestinian similar actions have been criminalized. Almost the opposite has been found in Al Jazeera related coverage.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Farris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This book examines the shape, composition, and practices of the United States political media landscape. It explores the roots of the current epistemic crisis in political communication with a focus on the remarkable 2016 U.S. president election culminating in the victory of Donald Trump and the first year of his presidency. The authors present a detailed map of the American political media landscape based on the analysis of millions of stories and social media posts, revealing a highly polarized and asymmetric media ecosystem. Detailed case studies track the emergence and propagation of disinformation in the American public sphere that took advantage of structural weaknesses in the media institutions across the political spectrum. This book describes how the conservative faction led by Steve Bannon and funded by Robert Mercer was able to inject opposition research into the mainstream media agenda that left an unsubstantiated but indelible stain of corruption on the Clinton campaign. The authors also document how Fox News deflects negative coverage of President Trump and has promoted a series of exaggerated and fabricated counter narratives to defend the president against the damaging news coming out of the Mueller investigation. Based on an analysis of the actors that sought to influence political public discourse, this book argues that the current problems of media and democracy are not the result of Russian interference, behavioral microtargeting and algorithms on social media, political clickbait, hackers, sockpuppets, or trolls, but of asymmetric media structures decades in the making. The crisis is political, not technological.


Author(s):  
Henry A. Giroux

Education in society occurs across both formal and informal spheres of communication exchange. It extends from schools to diverse cultural apparatuses such as the mainstream media, alternative screen cultures, the Internet, and other spaces actively involved in the construction of knowledge, values, modes of identification, and agency itself. The modern era is shaped by a public pedagogy rooted in neoliberal capitalism that embraces consumer culture as the primary mechanism through which to express personal agency and identity. Produced and circulated through a depoliticizing machinery of fear and consumption, the cultural focus on the pursuit of individual desires rather than public responsibilities has led to a loss of public memory, democratic dissent, and political identity. As the public sphere collapses into the realm of the private, the bonds of mutual dependence have been shredded along with the public spheres that make such bonds possible. Freedom is reduced to a private matter divorced from the obligations of social life and politics only lives in the immediate. The personal has become the only sphere of politics that remains. The rise of the selfie as a mode of public discourse and self-display demands critical scrutiny in terms of how it is symptomatic of the widespread shift toward market-driven values and a surveillance culture, increasingly facilitated by ubiquitous, commercial forms of digital technology and social media. Far from harmless, the unexamined “selfie” can be viewed as an example of how predatory technology-based capitalism socializes people in a way that encourages not only narcissism and anti-social indifference, but active participation in a larger authoritarian culture defined by a rejection of social bonds and cruelty toward others. As with other forms of cultural and self-expression, the selfie—when placed in alternative, collective frameworks—can also become a tool for engaging in struggles over meaning. Possibilities for social change that effectively challenges growing inequality, atomization, and injustice under neoliberalism can only emerge from the creation of new, broad-ranging sites of pedagogy capable of building new political communities and drawing attention to anti-democratic structures throughout the broader society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Usha M Rodrigues

In recent times, researchers have examined the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s use of social media to directly connect with his followers, while largely shunning the mainstream media. This strategy of direct communication with their constituents has been adopted by other political parties too, with opposition party leaders hosting ‘Facebook Live’ sessions and tweeting their messages. A large proportion of Indian voters, who increasingly own mobile phones, are enjoying being part of the ‘like’ and ‘share’ online networks. What does this effective use of social media by Indian political parties mean for the public discourse in India? This article presents the view that this phenomenon is more than Modi’s ‘selfie nationalism’ or his attempt to marginalize the news media. The article argues that there is a structural shift in the Indian public sphere, which might prove to be the greatest challenge to Indian journalism.


Author(s):  
Margaret Machniak Sommervold

The rapid growth in the field of m-health has not gone unnoticed by the mainstream media in Norway. Norwegian newspapers have a strong presence and outreach and hence play an important role in shaping of the public discourse on various subjects with m-health being no exception. This article presents a Dispositive Analysis of 23 articles from 6 national newspapers concerning mobile health applications. The analysis resulted in an interpretation of the press's technology views as theories of technology, which informed the discussion in this paper. Further, the newspaper articles were understood as discursive practices and analyzed by applying the concept of dispositives. The results of the analysis suggest inclusion of Dispositive Analysis as a step in Participatory Design process as means of enriching the design practices as well as uncovering the marginalized ‘voices' and thus addressing the call for democratization of technology.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

This chapter revisits the question of whether the mediation of referendum campaigns is distinctive enough to deserve dedicated analysis. It queries the extent to which the referendum analysed in this book bears similarities with the UK’s subsequent 2016 EU referendum and how that event was framed in the mainstream media. The chapter argues that the frame-building model proposed in chapter 7 appears to also provide an account for the mediation of that campaign. The chapter concludes with a wider consideration of the contribution of old and new media to our understanding of politics. It considers the changing nature of public debate following Brexit and the 2016 US Presidential election and questions the extent to which mainstream media remain key determinants of public discourse. It proposes that future avenues for frame building research would need to explore frame building processes on social media, where the gatekeepers and organizational routines that are so central in the frame building model proposed in this book are absent. It argues that in order to deliver the complete picture frame analysis needs to engage with the totality of news provision and sharing as this moves towards the internet and news aggregation, propaganda sites and social media.


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