Wyznaczniki kryzysu społecznego w Europie

2015 ◽  
pp. 34-63
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Szewior

The aim of the paper is to present the essence of the social crisis in Europe at the European Union, national and regional level. Article uses the research methods of the social science, particularly from the field of social policy. Research results indicate that in the EU there is social differentiation, which became stronger after 2008. This social differentiation can be called a social crisis. It is also apparent that the EU has failed to permanently build a cohesive social area.

2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442096523
Author(s):  
Thomas Borén ◽  
Patrycja Grzyś ◽  
Craig Young

This paper develops perspectives which seek to spatialize authoritarian neoliberalism through arguing for greater engagement with the politics of urban cultural policy formation in the neglected context of post-socialist East and Central Europe. Through analyzing the politics of urban cultural policy-making in Gdańsk, Poland, the paper spatializes authoritarian neoliberalism by exploring how relations between the urban and the national, and between the urban and the supranational, shape urban cultural policy, drawing upon literatures on political economy, policy mobilities, cultural policy research, and the concepts of authoritarian neoliberalism and the relational-territorial nexus. Gdańsk is a liberally run city, strongly aligned with the European Union (EU), opposed to the authoritarian neoliberal national level politics in Poland. The paper analyses urban-national tensions and relationships between Gdańsk and the EU to unpack the contested spatial nature of authoritarian neoliberalism.


Author(s):  
Adriana Skorupska

One objective of this chapter is to characterize the activities between Spanish communities and Chinese provinces and cities – their intensity, scope, advantages and obstacles that they face. The question relates to a broader perspective – the bilateral state government relations and the EU-China cooperation: is there any correlation between the relations at the state level and the regional level? Moreover, one of the ultimate goals of the whole project is to analyse the impact of the EU-China relations on paradiplomacy. Do the autonomous communities see any role of the EU in their activities with Chinese partners? Do they need any support from the European Union to have more intense or effective cooperation with this Asian partner?


Author(s):  
Mary Daly

Social policy has a particular character and set of associated politics in the European Union (EU) context. There is a double contestation involved: the extent of the EU’s agency in the field and the type of social policy model pursued. The former is contested because social policy is typically and traditionally a matter of national competence and the latter because the social policy model is crucial to economic and market development. Hence, social policy has both functional and political significance, and EU engagement risks member states’ capacity to control the social fate of their citizens and the associated resources, authority, and power that come with this capacity. The political contestations are at their core territorially and/or social class based; the former crystalizes how wide and extensive the EU authority should be in social policy and the latter a left/right continuum in regard to how redistributive and socially interventionist EU social policy should be. Both are the subject of a complicated politics at EU level. First, there is a diverse set of agents involved, not just member states and the “political” EU institutions (Parliament and Council) but the Commission is also an important “interested” actor. This renders institutional politics and jockeying for power typical features of social policymaking in the EU. Second, one has to break down the monolith of the EU institutions and recognize that within and among them are actors or units that favor a more left or right position on social policy. Third, actors’ positions do not necessarily align on the two types of contestation (apart perhaps from the social nongovernmental organizations and to a lesser extent employers and business interests). Some actors who favor an extensive role for social policy in general are skeptical about the role of the EU in this regard (e.g., trade unions, some social democratic parties) while others (some sectors of the Commission) wish for a more expansive EU remit in social policy but also support a version of social policy pinned tightly to market and economic functions. In this kind of context, the strongest and most consistent political thrust is toward a type of EU social policy that is most clearly oriented to enabling the Union’s economic and market-related objectives. Given this and the institutional set-up, the default position in EU social policy is for a market-making social policy orientation on the one hand and a circumscribed role for the EU in social policy on the other.


Author(s):  
Boris P. Guseletov ◽  
◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 1789
Author(s):  
Valentyna A. VASYLIEVA ◽  
Alla V. ZELISKO ◽  
Olga I. ZOZULIAK

The article deals with the peculiarities of the processes of adaptation of the legal regulation of cooperatives in post-socialist states (as exemplified by Ukraine) to the requirements of the European Union. Such features are formed taking into account historical, social and economic prerequisites of the development of the modern legal framework of Ukraine. Authors are focused on problems of pecuniary autonomy of cooperatives; the possibility of its full-fledged activities as the parties to market relations; implementation of legal mechanisms that can increase competitive advantage of cooperatives in present-day conditions; increase the level of security and protection of rights and interests of cooperative members. It is proved that the effective entrepreneurial activity of the cooperative is rather compatible with the social nature of the latter, moreover – it contributes to the implementation of such a nature. Behind the arguments in favor of such an approach there is the principle declared in the practices of the European Union law – the focus of cooperatives on the affirmation of the interests of its members.


2012 ◽  

The strategy of flexicurity was adopted as a model by the European Union and proposed to all the Member States as a solution for addressing the challenges connected with the competitiveness and instability of the markets, with a view to enhancing employment levels and maintaining social cohesion. The various contributions in this book analyse the concept of flexicurity and its effective feasibility in different institutional contexts, in particular Italy and Spain and – at regional level – in Tuscany and Catalonia. The consequence of the variety of employment and social security models is that the meanings and manifestations of flexicurity are highly divergent, even in cases as analogous as Spain and Italy, since the different contexts generate significant differences. The overall analysis demonstrates that the forms of regulation and organisation of the social institutions, and their complementary nature, have a major impact on the relations between forms of flexibility and security, and do not always give rise to the virtuous process of flexicurity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Zoran Milosavljević ◽  
Andrijana Maksimović

The subject of the paper seeks to investigate the influence of social factors on the intensity of immigration of immigrants to the EU. Among the social factors that significantly influence immigration policies in the European Union, the authors singled out the following: demography, identity-culture, economy, socio-political and security factors. The main goal is to see how these social factors affect the intensity of immigration. The authors opt for MIPEX as an instrument for measuring immigration policy, which expresses political tendencies towards the integration of migrants. Based on the findings from the regression analysis, which determined the regression factor of the participation of indicators in correlation with MIPEX, the authors concluded that all indicators have a positive correlation, which indicates that the indicators were chosen correctly. In addition, the degree of regression factor is higher than 5%, which indicates a significant correlation.


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