scholarly journals THE RESPONSIBILITY IN PROTECTING THE ROHINGYA REFUGEES IN ACEH PROVINCE, INDONESIA: AN INTERNATIONAL REFUGEES LAW PERSPECTIVE

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ((S2)) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Adwani Adwani ◽  
Rosmawati Rosmawati ◽  
M. Ya’kub Aiyub Kadir

The coast of western Indonesia (Aceh province) has been the entrance for Rohingya refugees since 2012. At the beginning of 2020, the Rohingya refugees continued to arrive, although some of them have been resettled and transferred to the third countries. The Indonesian government rejected a large number of Rohingya refugees because there were no lex specialis in the Indonesian immigration arrangement related to asylum seekers and refugees. Historically, Indonesia was a country with commitment and experiences in dealing with refugees, however to date, Indonesia refused to become a party to the 1951 International Refugee Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees. Hence, there is no legal standards of the refugee management in Indonesia, and thus it complicates the management of the incoming Rohingyas. Responding to such issue, the government has issued the Presidential Regulation Number 125 of 2016 concerning the foreign refugee management to provide a temporary legal standard for all forms of refugee protection in Indonesia. However, such regulation has yet to comprehensively settled the management of the Rohingya people in Indonesia, particularly in Aceh province. This paper strongly advocates the Indonesian government to ratify the 1951 International Refugee Convention as to protect and settle the refugee under the non-refoulment principle which is fundamentally referred to humanitarian values.

Author(s):  
Janmyr Maja ◽  
Stevens Dallal

This chapter focuses on the Middle East as a region, which is defined to include Arab States, Israel, and Turkey, but to exclude North African countries apart from Egypt. It explores the role of the Refugee Convention, UNHCR, influential NGOs, and international human rights law to protect asylum seekers and refugees in the region. The chapter opens with a brief outline of the Middle Eastern context, historical background in relation to international refugee law, and the significance of UNHCR and the UN Relief Works Agency in Arab States. It compares the approach of States that are parties to the Refugee Convention and those that are not, and considers the consequences of non-ratification as well as the use of domestic legislation to deal with asylum seekers and refugees. An important focus of the chapter is how—and whether—refugee protection is achieved across the region in light of States’ differing approaches to refugeehood, which arise from historical, political, and religious (Islamic) notions of hospitality and the treatment of foreigners, as well as the role of law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen ◽  
Nikolas F. Tan

Asylum seekers and refugees continue to face serious obstacles in their efforts to access asylum. Some of these obstacles are inherent to irregular migration, including dangerous border crossings and the risk of exploitation. Yet, refugees also face state-made obstacles in the form of sophisticated migration control measures. As a result, refugees are routinely denied access to asylum as developed states close their borders in the hope of shifting the flow of asylum seekers to neighboring countries. Restrictive migration control policies are today the primary, some might say only, response of the developed world to rising numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. This has produced a distorted refugee regime both in Europe and globally — a regime fundamentally based on the principle of deterrence rather than human rights protection. While the vast majority of European states still formally laud the international legal framework to protect refugees, most of these countries simultaneously do everything in their power to exclude those fleeing international protection and offer only a minimalist engagement to assist those countries hosting the largest number of refugees. By deterring or blocking onward movement for refugees, an even larger burden is placed upon these host countries. Today, 86 percent of the world's refugees reside in a low- or middle-income country, against 70 percent 20 years ago (Edwards 2016; UNHCR 2015, 15). The humanitarian consequences of this approach are becoming increasingly clear. Last year more than 5,000 migrants and refugees were registered dead or missing in the Mediterranean (IOM 2016). A record number, this makes the Mediterranean account for more than two-thirds of all registered migrant fatalities worldwide (IOM 2016). Many more asylum seekers are subjected to various forms of violence and abuse during the migratory process as a result of their inherently vulnerable and clandestine position. As the industry facilitating irregular migration grows, unfortunately so too do attempts to exploit migrants and refugees by smugglers, criminal networks, governments, or members of local communities (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Nyberg Sørensen 2013). The “deterrence paradigm” can be understood as a particular instantiation of the global refugee protection regime. It shows how deterrence policies have come to dominate responses to asylum seekers arriving in developed states, and how such policies have continued to develop in response to changes in migration patterns as well as legal impositions. The dominance of the deterrence paradigm also explains the continued reliance on deterrence as a response to the most recent “crisis,” despite continued calls from scholars and civil society for a more protection-oriented and sustainable response. The paper argues that the current “crisis,” more than a crisis in terms of refugee numbers and global protection capacity, should be seen a crisis in terms of the institutionalized responses so far pursued by states. Deterrence policies are being increasingly challenged, both by developments in international law and by less wealthy states left to shoulder the vast majority of the world's refugees. At the same time, recent events suggest that deterrence policies may not remain an effective tool to prevent secondary movement of refugees in the face of rising global protection needs, while deterrence involves increasing direct and indirect costs for the states involved. The present situation may thus be characterized as, or at least approaching, a period of paradigm crisis, and we may be seeing the beginning of the end for deterrence as a dominant policy paradigm in regard to global refugee policy. In its place, a range of more or less developed alternative policy frameworks are currently competing, though so far none of them appear to have gained sufficient traction to initiate an actual paradigm shift in terms of global refugee policy. Nonetheless, recognizing this as a case of possible paradigm change may help guide and structure this process. In particular, any successful new policy approach would have to address the fundamental challenges facing the old paradigm. The paper proceeds in four parts. Firstly, it traces the rise of the deterrence paradigm following the end of the Cold War and the demise of ideologically driven refugee protection on the part of states in the Global North. The past 30 years have seen the introduction and dynamic development of manifold deterrence policies to stymie the irregular arrival of asylum seekers and migrants. This array of measures is explored in the second part of the paper through a typology of five current practices that today make up “normal policymaking” within the deterrence regime. Third, the paper argues that the current paradigm is under threat, facing challenges to its legality from within refugee and human rights law; to its sustainability due to the increasing unhappiness of refugee-hosting states with current levels of “burden-sharing”; and to its effectiveness as direct and indirect costs of maintaining the regime mount. Finally, the paper puts forward three core principles that can lay the groundwork in the event of a paradigm shift: respect for international refugee law; meaningful burden-sharing; and a broader notion of refugee protection that encompasses livelihoods and increased preparedness in anticipation of future refugee flows.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Bilal Dewansyah ◽  
Ratu Durotun Nafisah

Abstract Article 28G(2) in Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution reflects a human rights approach to asylum; it guarantees “the right to obtain political asylum from another country,” together with freedom from torture. It imposes an obligation upon the state to give access to basic rights to those to whom it offers asylum, following an appropriate determination procedure. By contrast, in Presidential Regulation No. 125 of 2016 concerning the Treatment of Refugees, the Indonesian government’s response to asylum seekers and refugees is conceptualized as “humanitarian assistance,” and through a politicized and securitized immigration-control approach. We argue that the competition between these three approaches—the human right to asylum, humanitarianism, and immigration control—constitutes a “triangulation” of asylum and refugee protection in Indonesia, in which the latter two prevail. In light of this framework, this article provides a socio-political and legal analysis of why Article 28G(2) has not been widely accepted as the basis of asylum and refugee protection in Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 660-682
Author(s):  
Katherine Luongo

Abstract:Over the last two decades, witchcraft violence has emerged steadily as a “push factor” for African asylum seekers who argue that being accused of witchcraft or targeted with witchcraft renders them members of a “particular social group” (PSG), subject to persecution and eligible for refugee protection under the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. This article examines the refugee status determination (RSD) processes through which immigration regimes in Canada and Australia have adjudicated allegations about witchcraft violence made by asylum seekers from across Anglophone Africa. It critiques the utility of expanding PSG along cultural lines without a commensurate expansion in adjudicators’ knowledge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-246
Author(s):  
Kazi Fahmida Farzana ◽  
Siti Darwinda Mohamed Pero ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman

In Malaysia, refugees remain mostly invisible and face various challenges in terms of protection, healthcare and education. They are often preserved as ‘illegal immigrants’, therefore always at risk of arrest, detention, punishment and deportation. The worse sufferers of these are the children and youth, who are also considered to be illegitimate and deprived of rights including the right to education. This is a case study of a young Rohingya refugee man whose dedication and struggles, despite his problematic identity imposed by various authorities, continue to find a way out and serve fellow refugees through a community organization. However, the dream to have an education and flourish as a full-fledged human being remains a far cry for those marginalized, underprivileged Rohingya refugees and their children. Their experience in Malaysia is far from exceptional, of the sufferings that refugees are forced to bear in many countries in South and Southeast Asia. Nonetheless, this case aims to facilitate the basic understanding of displacement, the refugee situation, international law and particularly refugee children’s rights to education. It provides a deeper understanding of the root causes of Rohingya’s current ‘stateless’ situation in Malaysia, identifies the challenges faced by a refugee community organization, refugee children’s struggles and rights to education. It initiates thoughts to examine the government policies and look for alternative strategies that may benefit the refugee children as well as the national development in the long run. Dilemma: Are Rohingya in Malaysia ‘refugees’ or ‘economic migrants’? Should the children of Rohingya be given access to education? Should Malaysia sign the 1951 Refugee Convention? Theory: Statelessness theory Type of the Case: Experience-based applied single case study Protagonist: Present Options Malaysia can take the stand that being nonsignatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol, it is not bound to come up with policies for refugees. By providing ‘temporary’ shelter to a significant number of refugees and asylum-seekers, Malaysia has done enough for the refugees. At the international level, Malaysia is considered to be sympathetic towards refugees. Refugee and asylum seekers’ presence has been exerting pressure on Malaysian culture and society. In contrast, refugee and migration issues are receiving attention from the government and civil society in Malaysia. Former government has tried to adopt some policies like providing short-term work permit for a small number of registered Rohingya refugees in certain plantations and manufacturing sectors on an experimental basis to avoid social and economic risks posed by unemployed refugees. Malaysia should sign the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol because it is a member of the United Nations (UN) and party to many other major international human rights documents such as Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) to name a few. Discussions and Case Questions What are the root causes of Rohingyas’ current statelessness situation and how should the Malaysian government tackle the issue? What are the challenges faced by Rohingya community organizations in integrating with the society? Should Malaysia look at improving the Rohingya children’s access to education or the community should take on the responsibility?


Author(s):  
Rejean Ghanem

The Designated Country of Origin (DCO) policy was a political response to unwanted migration in Canada. Adapted from Europe, Harper took a liking to the EU’s SCO policy after Canada received a large influx of Middle Eastern and Balkan refugees seeking asylum. He adapted it in Canada, renaming it Designated Country of Origin (DCO). Under the DCO, the government of Canada would decide if a refugee's country of origin was dangerous enough to be considered for asylum. If the asylum seekers country is determined as safe, that person would be disregarded and sent back to their country of origin. Many refugees who had already settled in Canada had their files reopened and were told to return to their country of origin. The DCO policy became an integral part of the refugee status determination process in Canada to which some regarded as faulty, inefficient, and unjust. In 2019, the SCO was deemed unconstitutional and violated The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Ahmed Hussen, Minister of Immigration, wanted to create an asylum system that was considered fair and efficient. While it is important for an asylum seeker to prove they are truthful about the facts of their case, the DCO policy represents a climate of hostility towards migrants in Canada. In this piece, it will be argued that the DCO policy is a discriminatory migration tool used to “weed out” what the government deems as fake migrants. This policy could deny international protection to those who are genuinely in need. The DCO proves that the nation has a misleading reputation of being welcoming to all who come. The DCO threatened the human rights of asylum seekers who sought refuge in Canada. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Doucet

The current Conservative government of Canada has implemented considerable restrictive changes to the refugee system in Canada, leading to increased vulnerability in the lives of people seeking asylum. A fragmentation of the concept of the Refugee into “refugees” and “asylum seekers” allows the Government of Canada to implement restrictive measures while still maintaining its humanitarian reputation and appearing to uphold its responsibilities as a signatory state to the 1951 Refugee Convention. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, this work examines the ways in which the Government of Canada, through press releases from Citizenship and Immigration Canada, readies the public to accept restrictive policy measures. Four discursive themes are identified: burden, humanitarian concern for “genuine” refugees, a focus on the transgressions of some asylum seekers, and a celebration of Canadian humanitarian values. Each discursive theme, and the resulting legitimizing narratives, makes use of the fragmentation of the concept of the refugee.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Chomariyah Chomariyah

People smuggling is a growing global crime that exposes thousands of migrants to unacceptable risks and challenges the integrity of international borders. In the last two decades, globalization and conflicts have seen an increase international migration flows. People smuggling is not a new phenomenon in Indonesia. It has developed steadily over the last 10 years in response to the increased demands of asylum seekers and refugees attempting to reach Australia by boat. Among the convicted people smuggling organizers are a number of rejected asylum seekers who stayed on in Indonesia for years. Some smugglers are former refugees but now hold Australian citizenship, granted to them after regular resettlement. Indonesia recorded nine boat accidents involving 728 asylum seekers in 2012, while in the following year the number rose to 23 involving 615 victims. Operation Sovereign Borders and they turn-back-the-boats policy from Australia, from December 2013 to March 2014, there were seven occurrences of boats being turned back to Indonesian waters. The result of research show that first, Indonesian government need regional cooperation to handling treated people smuggling in Indonesian waters. Regional cooperation would be a win-win solution for both countries. And second, the regional cooperation should be in line with prevailing Indonesian legislation


Author(s):  
Long Katy

This chapter examines an important question about the relationship between displacement and migration: how does ‘onward migration’, or ‘onward movement’, fit into existing frameworks for refugee protection? The chapter first explores how approaches to refugees’ onward movement are often heavily politicized: many States tend to view refugee movements as a problem because they threaten to undermine national control of immigration. By contrast, advocates of refugee mobility point to the important role that migration can play in helping refugees to secure effective protection. Next, the chapter considers the rights of asylum seekers and refugees to engage in onward migration as part of a search for effective, durable protection. It also addresses the potential challenges—both legal and political—that may be faced by refugees trying to use migration as a ‘fourth durable solution’. The chapter concludes by suggesting that debates about refugee movement reflect much broader unresolved tensions in a world of unequal bordered States and restricted immigration.


Author(s):  
Nadine El-Enany ◽  
Eiko R. Thielemann

Forced migrations, as well as the related issues of refugees and asylum, profoundly impact the relationship between the countries of origin and the countries of destination. Traditionally, the essential quality of a refugee was seen to be their presence outside of their own country as a result of political persecution. However, the historical evolution of the definition of a refugee has gradually become more restricted and defined. Commentators have challenged the current refugee protection regime along two principal lines. The first is idealist in nature and entails the argument that the refugee definition as contained in the 1951 Refugee Convention is not sufficiently broad and thus fails to protect all those individuals deserving of protection. The second line of argument is a realist one, taking a more pragmatic approach in addressing the insufficiencies of the Convention. Its advocates emphasize the importance of making refugee protection requirements more palatable to states, the actors upon which we rely to provide refugees with protection. With regard to the question of how to design more effective burden-sharing institutions, the literature has traditionally focused on finding ways to equalize refugee responsibilities directly by seeking to equalize the number of asylum seekers and refugees that states have to deal with.


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