public office
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Edoardo Manarini

The growth of Hucpolding landed possessions in Tuscia is marked by two distinct phases. The first covers the second half of the ninth century, when key elements of their presence included two monasteries in the Florentine area and close relationships with the Adalbertings; the second, the second half of the tenth century after the group achieved the marchisal office, when the full resources of the fisc became available to them. Chapter 5 examines the evolution of parental assets in the march, aligned with the pathway to marchisal authority. It proposes that the marchisal office was fundamental to the expansion of their power in the region – a power that proved transitory, however, after the loss of the public office.

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 101292
Ioannis Nezis ◽  
George Biskos ◽  
Konstantinos Eleftheriadis ◽  
Prodromos Fetfatzis ◽  
Olga Popovicheva ◽  

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-51
Blendi Kajsiu

This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama defined corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defined corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector. 

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-87
Muhtar Sjarif ◽  
Marwan Mas ◽  
Abdul Salam Siku

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis terdakwa siapa saja yang terlibat dalam perkara korupsi yang berhak dijatuhi pidana tambahan. Jenis penelitian yuridis normatif. Sumber data sekunder. Bahan hukum primer putusan hakim. Analisis data pada penelitian hukum yuridis normatif ini secara deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa penjatuhan putusan pidana tambahan berupa pencabutan hak memilih dan dipilih dalam jabatan publik kepada terpidana korupsi merupakan upaya yang menjerakan bagi para terpidana korupsi serta upaya preventif terjadinya tindak pidana korupsi, akhirnya penulis merekomendasikan untuk agar hakim harus konsisten dalam menjatuhkan pidana tambahan pencabutan hak politik serta mencantumkan kapan mulai berlakunya serta batas waktu berlakunya. This study aims to analyze the defendants who were involved in a corruption case who have the right to be sentenced to additional crimes. This study is normative juridical research. Secondary data sources were primary legal materials for the judge's decision. Data analysis in this normative juridical legal research is descriptive qualitative. The results obtained show that the imposition of additional criminal decisions in the form of revocation of the right to vote and to be elected in public office to corruptors is an effort to deter corruptors as well as efforts to prevent corruption. Finally the author recommends that judges must be consistent in imposing additional crimes of political rights revocation and stating when it comes into effect and the time limit for this.

2021 ◽  
Harry Hobbs ◽  
George Williams

Political disagreement is a fact of life. Such conflict can prompt people to stand for public office and seek to realise political change. Others take a different route; they start their own country. Micronations and the Search for Sovereignty is the first comprehensive examination of the phenomenon of people purporting to secede and create their own country. It analyses why micronations are not states for the purposes of international law, considers the factors that motivate individuals to separate and found their own nation, examines the legal justifications that they offer and explores the responses of recognised sovereign states. In doing so, this book develops a rich body of material through which to reflect on conventional understandings of statehood, sovereignty and legitimate authority. Authored in a lively and accessible style, Micronations and the Search for Sovereignty will be valuable reading for scholars and general audiences.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-130
Serhii Bondar

The article clarifies the views of one of the brightest and most significant figures of the Ukrainian church — Metropolitan Ilarion (Ivan) Ohienko on the spiritual and secular service to Ukraine and his practical activities, which naturally effectively combined these two aspects. This article notes that an important element that united the two ministries and substantiated them was the deep level of their interpenetration, where Orthodoxy acquired a national character based on traditions. The article concludes that during this ministry his views on the church did not undergo nonlinear evolution, but only acquired depth and system. Even when Ivan Ohienko was in public office or abroad, he attached great importance to moral, ethical and ecclesiastical issues. Despite the ideological closeness with the views of another prominent Ukrainian church figure Andrei Sheptytsky on church-state relations, education and revival of the Ukrainian nation, language and culture as factors of Ukrainian identity, Ivan Ohienko was still skeptical of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, seeing in it is an instrument of Catholicization of the Ukrainian people. Ohienko believed that in reality only an autocephalous church could be Ukrainian, which relied exclusively on the traditions and needs of the people. This was the criterion of the truth of Orthodoxy for him.

BMJ ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. n3015 ◽  
Martin McKee

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-143
Mark Knights

The central contention of this chapter is that the legal and political history of trust is also a history of the development of public office. ‘Trust’ helped to define and restrain the abuse of office in the early modern period. Originally a Roman legal concept, fiduciary trust was designed in the sixteenth century to protect private property rights but came to be applied, in the mid-seventeenth century, to public (and commercial) office to help describe, but also tackle, the abuse of powers exercised by officeholders. By the nineteenth century its standards and criteria had become widely shared norms—so much so, that we have largely forgotten their origins and the cultural factors that shaped their genesis. Trust and ‘breach of trust’ had great discursive power but also had juridical reach.

2021 ◽  
pp. 47-66
Mark Knights

The chapter examines what early modern Britons understood by ‘office’ and its relationship with corruption. It adopts a broad definition of office, since the boundary between ‘public’ and ‘private’ office was something worked out during the period 1600–1850, and office in a mercantile corporation such as the East India Company was something of a hybrid. The discussion traces the evolution over the period of the notion of ‘public office’ and highlights a landmark legal case in 1783 that defined misconduct in public office. The second half of the chapter examines the secondary literature on office and seeks to connect work on ‘modern’ conceptions of office, which is often seen as emerging from the 1780s onwards, with research into earlier ideas and practices.

Hamadou Adama

Ahmed Bâba (1556–1627) was among the most prolific and the most celebrated of Timbuktu scholars of the 16th and 17th centuries. During his childhood he was educated and trained in Arabic law and Islamic sciences by his father, Ahmad, and other relatives. His principal teacher, the man he named the regenerator (al-mujaddid), was the Juula scholar Mohammed Baghayogho al-Wangarî, whose teaching he followed for more than ten years. Following the Moroccan occupation of Timbuktu in 1591, he was exiled to Marrakesh in 1594 and jailed for two years before he was released but obliged to remain in the city for many years. He was widely known both for his teaching and for the fatwas (legal opinions) he issued. He was offered administrative positions but declined them all in favor of teaching. In 1608, he was permitted to return to his hometown, Timbuktu, where he continued to write and teach until his death in 1627, but he held no public office there. His special field of competence was jurisprudence. He was also recognized for his abilities in hadith and wrote several works on Arabic grammar. He is probably best known for his biographical compendium of Mâlikî (founded by Malik ibn Anas died A.D. 795 is orthodox school of Muslim jurisprudence predominating in Sudanic Africa and the Maghreb) scholars, Nayl al-Ibtihâj bi tadrîs ad-dibâdj, a valuable supplement for the Western Islamic world to Ibn Farhûn’s ad-Dibâj al-Mudhahhab. His work specifically addresses issues relating to the significance of racial and ethnic categories as factors in the justification of enslavement. In the Bilâd as-Sûdân, Ahmed Bâba influenced the debate over slavery by relying on interpretations of Islamic precedent, which was invoked to protect freeborn individuals from enslavement. By extension, he impacted the transatlantic slave trade on the basis of religious identification with Islam and the desire to avoid the sale of slaves to non-Muslims, especially Christian Europeans on the coast of West Africa.

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