Citizenship in religious clothing?

Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (76) ◽  
pp. 46-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Jaoul

B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) advocated the religious conversion of Dalits to Navayana Buddhism as the pillar of the future struggle against caste. This article examines the implications of this turn to religion for the Dalit movement. As shown by its convergence with Marx’s critique of bourgeois citizenship, Navayana exceeds the framework of political liberalism. It is argued, though, that Navayana is neither an orientalized version of liberal politics, nor is it fully contained by Marxism. The ethnography highlights the revival of Navayana in the 1990s in a context of disillusion with institutional politics. With the rise to political power of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in this period, Uttar Pradesh emerged as the new center of Dalit politics. However, the BSP government also disappointed many former activists, who then turned to the Navayana movement. What spaces and possibilities did Navayana open up to further the task of Dalit emancipation that political power failed to achieve? The ethnography highlights the Navayana movement’s practical difficulties and dilemmas, caused by its being advocated and practiced by secular minded activists hostile to popular religiosity.

2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 143-160
Author(s):  
Richard Alston

This essay considers the nature of historical discourse through a consideration of the historical narrative of Lucan’s Pharsalia. The focus is on the manner in which Lucan depicts history as capable of being fictionalised, especially through the operation of political power. The discourses of history make a historical account, but those discourses are not, in Lucan's view, true, but are fictionalised. The key study comes from Caesar at Troy, when Lucan explores the idea of a site (and history) which cannot be understood, but which nevertheless can be employed in a representation of the past. yet, Lucan also alludes to a ‘true history’, which is unrepresentable in his account of Pharsalus, and beyond the scope of the human mind. Lucan’s true history can be read against Benjamin and Tacitus. Lucan offers a framework of history that has the potential to be post-Roman (in that it envisages a world in which there is no Rome), and one in which escapes the frames of cultural memory, both in its fictionalisation and in the dependence of Roman imperial memory on cultural trauma.


Author(s):  
Jessica Marie Falcone

This ethnography explores the controversial plans and practices of the Maitreya Project, as they worked to build the “world's tallest statue” as a multi-million dollar “gift” to India. This effort entailed a plan to forcibly acquire hundreds of acres of occupied land for the statue park in the Kushinagar area of Uttar Pradesh. The Buddhist statue planners ran into obstacle after obstacle, including a full-scale grassroots resistance movement of Indian farmers working to “Save the Land.” In telling the “life story” of the proposed statue, the book sheds light on the aspirations, values and practices of both the Buddhists who worked to construct the statue, as well as the Indian farmer-activists who tirelessly protested against it. Since the majority of the supporters of the Maitreya Project statue are “non-heritage” practitioners to Tibetan Buddhism, the book narrates the spectacular collision of cultural values between small agriculturalists in rural India and transnational Buddhists from around the world. The book endeavors to show the cultural logics at work on both sides of the controversy. Thus, this ethnography of a future statue of the Maitreya Buddha—himself the “future Buddha”—is a story about divergent, competing visions of Kushinagar’s potential futures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-70
Author(s):  
Eyal Ginio

The article concentrates on the reign of Sultan Mehmed Reşad (1909–18) to discuss the last phase of the Ottoman sultanate. Notwithstanding the significance of the Second Constitutional Period, Mehmed Reşad’s reign itself is often mentioned merely as representing the twilight of the Ottoman sultanate, when it became devoid of political power. By using a variety of primary sources, archival, printed and visual documents, this paper focuses on the rule of Mehmed Reşad as representing an attempt to shape a new stage of the Ottoman sultanate. It analyzes the use of Ottoman history at that time and the diffusion of imperial representations to evoke the grandeur of past sultans and its links to the reign of Mehmed Reşad. By promoting his image as a benevolent ruler and the supreme icon of the imagined Ottoman past, Mehmed Reşad endeavored to safeguard his status as a sultan and the future of the sultanate.


Author(s):  
Joyce de Vries

Caterina Sforza (b. 1462/63–d. 1509) was the daughter of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (b. 1444–d. 1476), duke of Milan (r. 1467–1476), and his mistress Lucrezia Landriani (b. 1440/45–d. 1507). In 1477, she married Girolamo Riario (b. 1443–d. 1488), nephew of Pope Sixtus IV and ruler of Imola since 1473. He gained possession of Forlì in 1480. Sforza bore at least eight children with Riario, six of whom survived infancy, and she became regent for her son Ottaviano (b. 1479–d. 1533) when Riario was assassinated in 1488. She survived several conspiracies against her rule of Imola and Forlì in the 1490s, and she was deposed only when Cesare Borgia (b. 1475/76–d. 1507) invaded the Romagna region in late 1499. Taken prisoner in early 1500, she was released in July 1501. Sforza moved to Florence, where she plotted to retake the family territories. Neither she nor the Riario family ever resumed power and she died after a long illness in 1509. She was buried in the Murate convent, where she had maintained a cell for spiritual retreat. Sforza’s political cunning and forceful rule fascinated many in early modern Italy, including Niccolò Machiavelli, who came to Forlì in 1499 to negotiate her son Ottaviano’s military contract with Florence. In The Prince, Machiavelli highlights Sforza’s use of fortresses for protection. His version of her actions after Riario’s assassination in 1488 did much to promote her reputation as a sexually bold and merciless ruler. By all accounts, when Sforza entered the Rocca di Ravaldino to facilitate its surrender to the rebels, she instead mounted the ramparts with the intention to rule and challenged her enemies to kill her children, who were hostages. According to Machiavelli, in the Discourses, she then lifted her skirts to reveal her genitals, a gesture meant to emphasize her claim that she could bear more children, who would eventually avenge Riario’s murder. This purported act is an exaggeration of her actions, but this version of the events remains influential as part of her legend. Sforza has often been cast as an exceptional woman not only because of her long regency, but also because of her sexual independence during her widowhood and regency. Without a husband or father to patrol her sexuality, Sforza inspired many rumors about possible sexual partners. During her widowhood, she did indeed maintain relationships with at least two men, whom she claimed after their deaths to have married. Giacomo Feo (b. 1470–d. 1495) achieved much power in her court and was assassinated. They had a son, Carlo (b. 1490–d. 1550s). The second, Giovanni di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici (b. 1467–d. 1498), of the cadet branch of the Florentine family, did not gain political power and died of natural causes. During her final years in Florence, Sforza won custody of their son, Giovanni (b. 1498–d. 1526). She then oversaw his education and estates, and he grew up to became a famous military commander in Italy, known as Giovanni dalle Bande Nere, and father of the future duke of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici (b. 1519–d. 1574). Sforza’s Medici connections augmented her fame after her death.


1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Khodarkovsky

In 1821 the newly appointed director and rector of the Imperial Kazan University received the following instructions from the government in St. Petersburg: “It is of utmost importance for the government that the education of its people be based on a firm foundation of the Christian religion, that the evil spirit of our time, the all-destructive spirit of free thinking, does not penetrate the sacred temples, where the happiness of the future generations must be secured by teaching the contemporary youths.” The fact that Orthodox Christianity was at the heart of Russian imperial identity is not surprising, but the fact that such an identity was to be uncompromisingly forged in the Kazan region, where most of the residents were non-Russians of different faiths, is noteworthy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Jeffrey ◽  
Assa Doron

We argue that the 2007 state elections in Uttar Pradesh (UP), India's largest state, were the first “mass mobile phone” elections in India. The paper charts the spectacular growth of the cheap cell phone in India and in Uttar Pradesh, documents the organizational strengths of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and explains how a party once based on Dalit (ex-Untouchable, or Scheduled Caste) support was able to cooperate with Brahmins. In these processes the mobile phone acted as a remarkable “force multiplier” to the existing BSP organization and helped party workers to circumvent the general hostility of mainstream media. The paper does not contend that the mobile phone won the 2007 elections; rather, it argues that the BSP was able to exploit a potent new tool, ideally suited to poor people who often were limited in their ability to travel. The paper points to similarities with the Obama campaigns of 2008 and notes that though other political groups in India attempt to imitate the methods, they may lack the essential organization and dedicated workers.


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Denis Kenny

In 1834 the French priest Félicité de Larnmenais wrote Paroles dun Croyant, in which he asserted that it would not be a nation or a Icing or a church that would bear the future destiny of mankind but "the people." Lammenais and the L'Avenir group in Paris had appealed in 1831 to Pope Gregory XVI, advocating that the Catholic Church abandon its traditional alliance with the thrones of Europe to align itself with and become the champion of the freedom of the people; In the encyclical Mirari Vos Gregory XVI repudiated Lammenais's appeal and reaffirmed the mutually reinforcing relationship between the true religion and established political power as the one guarantee against "an ever-approaching resolution-abyss of bottomless miseries."


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