scholarly journals Introduction

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
German Model ◽  
Major Shift ◽  
Social Market ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right

The German federal election in September 2021 marked a significant transformation for German politics. As Chancellor Angela Merkel decided not to run again, the election spelled the end of her 16-year tenure; it also signaled a major shift in the German party system. The right-populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) entered the Bundestag again after their first entry in 2017, implying—for the first time since 1949—the establishment and sustained parliamentary presence of a party on the national level to the (far-)right of the Christian Democrats. The challenges facing the new parliament and government after the election are paramount. The climate crisis looms as large as ever. With the exception of the AfD, all German parties (and a distinct majority of voters) see this as the most pressing issue to tackle. However, the scope of action will be limited as the extensive state debt accumulated through covid-19 relief measures exerts pressure on the specific German model of social market economy. Finally, the international environment has seen drastic changes in the last years: While the election of u.s. President Joe Biden as successor to Donald Trump implies a return to normal for transatlantic relations, the uk exit from the eu shifts the balance between the remaining member states. After the Euro, refugee, and pandemic crises, European solidarity is strained, complicating Germany’s role as the eu’s “reluctant hegemon” or “gentle giant.” This reluctance or restraint connotes far more than a strategic policy choice: it is deeply rooted in the German history of the twentieth century that witnessed the cruelty and atrocities of the Nazi regime.

The Main Priorities for the HR Management Stages in Germany. Agency of Labor (Arbeitsamt) As an Operator

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Кудайберген ◽  
Pirimkul Kudaybergen
Keyword(s):  
Personnel Management ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Critical Conditions ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
The Past ◽  
Hr Management ◽  
The Social ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Social Market

The article highlights the social priorities, personnel management principles in Germany, which are based on the famous German «Ordnung» (step by step), the postulate of individualism. It is noted that the «Iron Chancellor» Bismarck developed the principles of social protection of the German personnel. These principles formed the basis of the German social market economy: providing working conditions, promotion of awareness and independence, encouraging responsibility. The article presents basic palette of social and fi nancial assistance to needy staff , which are provided through centers of employment and work of the Agency. The peculiarities of personnel management are indicating in the conditions of uncontrolled aggressive invasion of refugees in Germany. Gateways are opened for them «without limit» Chancellor Angela Merkel, acting only in the interests of the USA. This led to mass protests, similar to a civil war throughout the country. This article argues that in these circumstances, Germany needs a new Bismarck, who would once again strengthened Germany, with the support of Russia, as it was in the past. Russia could again become a partner of Germany, especially in the process of human resource management in the prevailing critical conditions, based on its invaluable experience in multinational and multi-confessional Russia.

scholarly journals From ‘Brexhaustion’ to ‘Covidiots’: the UK United Kingdom and the Populist Future

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Foster ◽  
Matthew Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Far Right ◽  
New Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right

Boris Johnson’s electoral victory and the 2020 culmination of Brexit are accelerating Britain’s shift towards the right and towards open criticism of technocracy in the UK and EU. Since 2016 the UK’s political atmosphere has polarised into hostile extremes. The continuation of this toxicity beyond Brexit, the dominance of nationalist narratives as Britain’s new ‘politics of everything’ (Valluvan 2019). While the Conservative Party remains traditionally centre-right and the Brexit Party has ceased to be relevant, the UK continues to witness the growth of the far right and what is called here the ‘Radical Right’, which have been accelerating since 2016, rapidly gaining influence (Norris and Inglehart 2019: 443-472), and ‘mainstreaming’ (Miller-Idriss 2017) in the Conservative majority elected in December 2019. The past four years have seen growing British contempt for technocracy in London and Brussels, while the Leave vote has been represented as a “Will of the People” antithetical to a Remain/Revoke/Second Referendum position, often portrayed as an anti-democratic scheme by “the elite” to frustrate the will of “the people”. This ‘us and them’ populist narrative is deepening as the UK’s volatile political environment moves away from the political procedures and economic values by which the UK has operated since 1945. Since early 2020, this narrative has been significantly accelerated by Covid-19 countermeasures, with anti-EU parties and narratives on the left and right becoming anti-lockdown or anti-vaccine parties and narratives. This paper approaches the radical right as emblematic of British politics’ shift from centrism towards polarised factions defined not by party but by support or contempt for technical governance. In this paper we propose a new explanatory basis for studying the populist radical right not as a temporary phenomenon in response to specific political events and conditions, but as a fluid, amorphous, and heterogeneous set of groups, parties, and narratives whose strategies, appeal, and narratives make them extremely adaptable, and significant as a force with substantial influence of politics into the future.

Germany’s Christian Democrats

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Rosenberg
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
European Community ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Charismatic Leadership ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Christian Social Union ◽  
Post War ◽  
Social Market

The German Christian Democratic Party (CDU) and its sister party, the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU), known collectively as the Union, were founded in the immediate aftermath of World War II as anti-materialist Christian responses to the atrocities of the war and as buffers to encroaching Communism and Fascism. The first Volkspartei, the CDU has served as a “catch-all” party since its inception, prioritizing its inter-confessional appeal to a diverse group of both Protestant and Catholic voters throughout Germany over ideology. Over seven decades, the CDU/CSU has enjoyed enormous success, by broadly adhering to core elements of a Christian understanding of self, promotion of a social market economy, focus on family, and a Western-focused European community. The CDU presided over the first post-war German government under long-serving Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, German reunification in 1990 under Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and European stability in the face of a refugee crisis under Chancellor Angela Merkel. The CDU has evolved from a chancellor’s party centered around charismatic leadership and antipathy to Ostpolitik, to the most successful German Volkspartei and a staunch bulwark of the European community.

Ideas, Institutions and Organized Capitalism: The German Model of Political Economy Twenty Years after Unification

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher S. Allen
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
German Economy ◽  
First Century ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
German Model ◽  
Severe Recession ◽  
Social Market

For much of the past two decades since unification, the literature on the German economy has largely focused on the erosion of the German model of organized capitalism and emphasized institutional decline and the corresponding rise of neoliberalism. The first part of the article analyzes the strains unification placed on German economic performance that caused many observers to call for modification of the model in a more neo-liberal direction. The second part takes a different focus and lays out the main rationale of the paper. It inquires why such a coordinated market economy was created in the first place and whether a renewed form of it might still be useful for Germany, the European Union, and other developed democracies in the early twenty-first century. The third section articulates the origins of the institutional and ideational components of these coordinated market economy models, during both the Bismarckian and Social Market Economy periods. The final portion inquires whether the failure of the contemporary liberal market economy approach in the wake of the worldwide financial crisis and severe recession represents a possible opening for the creation of a third coordinated market economy not only for Germany but for a redesigned European Union.

A Return to Fashion: Revisiting the German Model

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
Gregory Baldi
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
German Politics ◽  
German Model ◽  
International Publishing ◽  
Social Market

Stephen Padgett, William E. Paterson, and Reimut Zohlnhöfer, ed. Developments in German Politics 4. 4th Revised edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014)Simon Green and Ed Turner, ed. Understanding the Transformation of Germany’s CDU (London: Routledge, 2014)Ştefan Sorin Mureşan, Social Market Economy: The Case of Germany (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014).

Book reviews: Michał Moszyński, Zenon Wiśniewski: LABOUR MARKET POLICY IN THE GERMANY'S SOCIAL MARKET

2021 ◽  
Vol 562 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-29
Author(s):  
Mirosław Szreder
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
German Economy ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
Labour Market Policy ◽  
Employment Policy ◽  
Market Policy ◽  
Investment Promotion ◽  
German Model ◽  
Social Market

In the presented monograph, a distinction can be made three main problem areas. Considerations theoretical focus is on the German model Social Market Economy. Lots of space devoted to the role of labour market policy in this model. The transformation was then critically assessed East German economy, consequences employment policy of the adopted high wage strategy and investment promotion, and attention was paid to labour market policy offensive in the eastern part German. The third problem plane includes issues related to the transition from active to activating labour market policy, implementation of reforms Hartz and their socio-economic consequences

Seven decades of industrial relations in Germany

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 634-653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walther Müller-Jentsch
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Path Dependence ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Learning Processes ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
Content Type ◽  
German Model ◽  
Social Market

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the development of industrial relations (IR) in Germany since the end of the Second World War and discusses the current challenges posed by economic globalisation und European integration. Design/methodology/approach Combining a political economy, identifying Germany as a coordinated market economy (social market economy), and actor-centred historical institutionalism approach, outlining the formation and strategies of the main social actors within a particular institutional setting, the paper draws on the broad range of research on IR in Germany and its theoretical debates, including own research in the field. Findings The legacy of the key institutional settings in the post-war era – primarily the social market economy, co-determination at supervisory boards, works councils and sector-based non-ideological unions with their analogously organised employer counterparts, as well as the dual system of interest representation – has shaped the German IR and still underlie the bargaining processes and joint learning processes although trade unions and employers’ associations have been weakened because of loss of membership. In consequence the coverage scope of collective agreements is now somewhat reduced. Despite being declared dead many times, the “German model” of a “conflictual partnership” of capital and labour has survived many turbulent changes affecting it to the core. Originality/value The paper presents an original, theoretical informed reconstruction of the German IR and allows an understanding of the current institutional changes and challenges in the light of historical legacies. Additionally the theoretical debates on path dependence and learning processes of collectivities are enriched through its application to the German case.

scholarly journals Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 496-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silke Roth
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
New Wave ◽  
The European Union ◽  
60Th Anniversary ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Populist Movements

Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.

Mobilizing Meanings: Translocal Identities of the Far Right Web

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 34-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Anne Simpson
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Family Values ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
The Right ◽  
Refugees And Asylum Seekers

Europe has witnessed the rise of a multigenerational, populist shift to the right, characterized by the unapologetic deployment of extremist symbols, ideologies, and politics, but also by repudiations of right-wing labels associated with racism, xenophobia, and nativist entitlements. The political lexicon of far-right rhetoric derives its considerable persuasive force from mobilizing and normalizing extremist views. This article examines the intricately and translocally woven connections among representative movements, organizations, and media personalities who popularize and disseminate far-right views through social media and their own internet websites. With diatribes about the threat against Russia, the uncontainable and intolerable influx of refugees and asylum seekers, whom they blame for terrorist attacks, deteriorating family values, the loss of national German identity, and the antidemocratic politics of Chancellor Angela Merkel, the cadre of self-credentializing experts and politicians, some in alignment with Pegida, mobilize historical moments and meanings to make connections with a broad spectrum of supporters.

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