A French diplomat in the Russian Service. Missions of the Count d'Antraigues in Venice (1795–1797)

Author(s):  
Andrey Mitrofanov

The article deals with the history of secret diplomacy of the time of the French Revolution. It aims to show unknown aspects of the French émigré сount d'Antraigue's activities as a councillor to the Russian embassy in Venice and as a personal representative of Louis XVIII in 1795–1797. Unpublished documents from the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the memoirs of contemporaries form the source base of the research. The practice of appointing French royalists “under Russian protection” as employees of Russian diplomatic missions was proposed by the Russian court in 1794. The case of d’Antraigues, therefore, was not unique. D'Antraigues' duties in this post were related to the search for information on revolutionary France, the French army in Italy, the politics of the Italian states. His contacts with Swedish agents, French royalists, and French army officers were the most fruitful. At the same time, he was associated with British diplomats. Bonaparte used the errors of the diplomat to his advantage: сount d'Antraigues’s notes served as a pretext for the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor, Year V. Although he сount lost credibility in the eyes of the royalists yet, thanks to the support of A.K. Razumovsky, he continued his service as correspondent and honorary “pensionnaire” of the Russian court. It was after 1797 that a “black legend” developed around the name of the count, thanks, in particular, to former secret agents of the Directory and Napoleon Bonaparte, depicting him as an opportunist.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-77
Author(s):  
A. Bosiacki

Although Russian constitutionalism has a rich past and present, its place on the global map of the history of constitutional thought is not clearly defined yet. This paper contributes to the analysis of the early stages of development of Russian constitutionalism. The first Russian act resembling a “true” Constitution was the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918. It was aimed not at the realization of the ideas of constitutionalism, but at the formation of a model of a totalitarian state. It sanctioned radical social changes and led to the liquidation of the concept of the division of power and the omnipotence of the nonconstitutional organs (like VChK, various “tribunals”). However, this act and its ideological sources deserve a more in-depth analysis. First of all, its utopian ideas about the new social system have to be identified and examined. The analysis shows that the 1918 Constitution reflects Lenin’s fascination with the ideas of direct democracy drawn from the experience of the Paris Commune and the French Revolution after 1789. In particular, it is about the perception of the idea of unlimited supreme power, undivided and combined, and at the same time federated in the form of loose communes. If we consider the range of constitutional ideas, the Bolsheviks adopted nothing more original that the concept of Rousseau’s national sovereignty. However, the implementation of utopian ideas ended with the creation of a totalitarian system, which contemporaries called “state despotism,” more powerful than the despotism of the Russian Empire.


Author(s):  
Elena Kudriavtseva

Apollinary Petrovich Butenev was at the head of the Russian embassy in Constantinople from 1830 till 1843. These were the years of the most stable Turkish-Russian relations in the first half of the 19th century. As the envoy to Constantinople, A. Butenev was one of the most significant Russian representatives abroad, while the position in Constantinople was one of the most important postings in the Russian Foreign Ministry service since the city was a kind of international political centre that had a huge impact on the life of the whole of Europe. A. Butenev’s diplomatic endeavours never generated a lot of interest among Russian historians, even though many scholars thoroughly analyzed the period of the Russian-Turkish relations during his service in Constantinople multiple times. The 1830s and 1840s are marked by several important events in foreign policy in which the Russian envoy was directly involved. First of all, А. Butenev played a decisive role in the drafting of the Treaty of Hünkâr İskelesi that was signed in 1833. The Bosphorus expedition of 1833 was a unique military and political operation of its time, unparalleled in the history of Russian diplomacy. Usually, the success of the expedition is associated with the names of A.F. Orlov and N.N. Muravyov, while the chance to conclude this treaty that was extremely beneficial for Russia belongs to A. Butenev. This is indicated by numerous internal memoranda and reports he sent to St. Petersburg. With his experience in diplomatic affairs, political weight in the international circles, and the ability to make independent decisions, Apollinary Petrovich Butenev adequately and successfully represented the interests of his homeland in the crucial period when the Russian Empire formulated and implemented its concept of the Eastern policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Mamarazok Tagaev ◽  

In the article, after the conquest of the Russian Empire in the province, hospitals were opened for the Russian military and turned them into a hospital. Opened hospitals in Tashkent, Samarkand and Kattakurgan and outpatients for women and men. However,the local population, fearing doctors in uniform, did not want to contact them and turned to healers and paramedics


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-31
Author(s):  
Jalalitdin Mirzaev ◽  
◽  
Abdusalom Khuzhanazarov

The article discusses the history of Termez as an outpost of the Russian Empire on the border with Afghanistan


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.


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