The Socio-Cultural Church: A Determinant of Women’s Rights in Nigeria

Author(s):  
Nanji R. Umoh

Debates about women’s rights and the challenges of social exclusivity, gender inequality and human insecurity, are front-burner issues in discourses on the sociopolitical and socioeconomic landscapes in Nigeria. Despite constituting about fifty percent (50%) of the population of most modern societies, women are traditionally shortchanged at negotiation tables. This premise is fundamental to evaluating the threats posed to viable debates on the rights of women as ‘minority’ groups in society. Unfortunately, the church under the influence of the socio-culture, inadvertently establishes their pared positions through the misinterpretation of some doctrinal bases of Christianity, which allow rationality give way to ‘more superior’ extrapolations that hamper in-depth introspections on reasons for biblical positions and consequences of actions. Riggs’ fused-prismatic-diffracted model of society describes the processes capable of sustaining this dire situation as embedded in ‘non-administrative criteria’. Data for the study were collected using semi-structured questionnaires and unstructured interviews. Purposive and random sampling procedures were utilized in deriving the sample population from Christian-only populations. Pearson’s Bivariate Correlation, multiple regression analysis and theme-coding were employed to analyse the questionnaire and interview responses. The findings revealed that the socio-culture is a major determinant of the interpretations of biblical positions and teachings by churches, thereby upholding church agency as contributory to the rise in gender inequality, discrimination and domestic abuse cases in Nigeria. Strategies for abdicating the risks of domestic abuse and mitigating the impacts on women’s rights in Nigeria, were proffered.

This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ines Smyth

The aim of promoting gender equality and women’s rights as integral parts of development efforts is enshrined in the key strategies and plans of many organizations. This is the case for the individual affiliates that comprise Oxfam International (OI), and the Oxfam confederation as a whole. This report sets out to assist Oxfam to better understand and learn from the Confederation’s work in this area to date. The purpose of the report is to provide an initial mapping of work on transformative leadership for women's rights (TLWR) in order to offer suggestions, impetus and a programmatic framework for the development of an ambitious global program on TLWR. It is intended to complement and drive Oxfam’s efforts to bring about the transformation of the pervasive gender inequality that limits women’s wellbeing, confidence and potential, reproduces negative masculinity traits, and contributes to the inequity dominant in contemporary societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 869-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young Dae Kim ◽  
Yo Han Jung ◽  
Valeria Caso ◽  
Cheryl D Bushnell ◽  
Gustavo Saposnik

Background Stroke outcomes can differ by women’s legal or socioeconomic status. Aim We investigated whether differences in women’s rights or gender inequalities were associated with stroke mortality at the country-level. Methods We used age-standardized stroke mortality data from 2008 obtained from the World Health Organization. We compared female-to-male stroke mortality ratio and stroke mortality rates in women and men between countries according to 50 indices of women’s rights from Women, Business and the Law 2016 and Gender Inequality Index from the Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Programme. We also compared stroke mortality rate and income at the country-level. Results In our study, 176 countries with data available on stroke mortality rate in 2008 and indices of women’s rights were included. There were 46 (26.1%) countries where stroke mortality in women was higher than stroke mortality in men. Among them, 29 (63%) countries were located in Sub-Saharan African region. After adjusting by country income level, higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio was associated with 14 indices of women’s rights, including differences in getting a job or opening a bank account, existence of domestic violence legislation, and inequalities in ownership right to property. Moreover, there was a higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio among countries with higher Gender Inequality Index (r = 0.397, p < 0.001). Gender Inequality Index was more likely to be associated with stroke mortality rate in women than that in men (p < 0.001). Conclusions Our study suggested that the gender inequality status is associated with women’s stroke outcomes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 145-154
Author(s):  
Paula A. Monopoli

Chapter 8 concludes that the Nineteenth Amendment can be revitalized today, to more fully ensure women’s equality. It reviews new legal scholarship that suggests direct applications of the Nineteenth Amendment to today’s voting rights challenges. And it describes how some scholars suggest that the Nineteenth should be read together with the Fourteenth Amendment, as a normative matter, to provide a more capacious understanding of the Fourteenth, as applied to women’s rights, beyond voting. Given persistent gender inequality, and the uncertain status of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), the chapter concludes that it is worth revisiting the jurisprudential potential of the Nineteenth Amendment, at its centennial.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy H. Liu ◽  
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield ◽  
Lindsey R. Vance ◽  
Zsombor Csata

In this article, we examine how the language spoken in a country can affect individual attitudes about gender equality and subsequently the level of legal rights afforded to women. This is because the feature of a language—specifically whether it requires speakers to make gender distinctions—can perpetuate popular attitudes and beliefs about gender inequality. To test this argument, we first identify a correlation between the gender distinction of a language and individual gender-based attitudes among World Values Survey respondents. We then isolate the causal mechanism using an experiment involving bilingual Romanian–Hungarian speakers in Transylvania, Romania. Finally, we examine one observable implication of our argument: the effects of gender distinction of official state languages on women’s rights at the national level. Our results confirm the importance of the gender distinction of language on support for gender equality and women’s rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Ebenezer Durojaye ◽  
Yinka Owoeye

The purpose of this article is to critically assess the approach of Nigerian courts to interpreting section 42 of the Constitution. This article argues that Nigerian courts are yet to develop a substantive equality approach to interpreting section 42 of the Constitution. Rather, the courts have tended to adopt the formal equality approach to interpreting the section. Analysing some decisions of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court, the article argues that in order to safeguard women’s rights and address gender inequality in the country, Nigerian courts should lean towards substantive equality approach to the interpretation of section 42 of the Constitution. This is not only consistent with Nigeria’s obligations under international law but also crucial to addressing historical imbalances between men and women in the country.


Author(s):  
Denise Lynn

Women in the American Communist Party believed the rise of fascism in Europe was a direct threat to women’s rights. Hitler’s rise to power and what Communists read as a push to ‘nationalize’ German women’s maternity compelled Communist women to argue that fascism was a threat to women’s rights and perpetuated false ideals of ‘natural’ gender roles. Communist women dutifully followed the party’s anti-fascist line; however, they expanded it by arguing that gender inequality was on the rise in fascist nations and women’s rights had to move to the forefront of Popular Front struggles. Communists emphasized the rights of mothers and workers in an effort to better secure the rights of women. This article argues that party women rejected Nazi pronatalism, advanced women’s rights within the party’s ‘United Front’ and pushed their agenda within the American Communist Party.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Iqbal Ramadhan ◽  
Innesia Ma’sumah

This research discusses about the role and effectiveness of UN Women as the real implementation of the Feminist paradigm and as an International Organization that upholds women's right in solving important issues related to women's rights, like violence against women and gender inequality. To analyse the issue on this journal, authors uses gender concept and feminist securitical approach. It also gives a stand point about the two main paradigms of International Relations, Realist and Liberalist, and its relation to Feminists regarding gender inequality and violence on women. The result of this research is that UN Women is quite effective in dealing with Feminist issues although it has not experienced significant improvement. However, UN Women's efforts should be appreciated for fighting for women's rights.   Keywords: UN Women, Feminist, Violence against Women, Gender Inequality     Abstrak   Penelitian ini membahas tentang peran dan efektivitas UN Women sebagai implementasi nyata dari paradigma Feminis dan merupakan Organisasi Internasional yang menjunjung tinggi hak perempuan dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu penting terkait dengan perempuan yaitu kekerasan terhadap perempuan dan ketimpangan gender. Dalam menganalisis isu pada jurnal ini, penulis menggunakan konsep gender dan pendekatan keamanan feminis. Penelitian ini juga memberikan kritik terhadap dua paradigma utama Hubungan Internasional yaitu Realis dan Liberalis dalam keterkaitannya dengan Feminis terkait ketimpangan gender dan kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah UN Women cukup efektif dalam menangani isu-isu Feminis walaupun belum mengalami peningkatan yang signifikan. Namun upaya UN Women harus diapresiasi karena telah memperjuangkan hak perempuan.   Kata Kunci: UN Women, Feminis, Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan, Ketimpangan Gender


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