Countries with women inequalities have higher stroke mortality

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 869-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young Dae Kim ◽  
Yo Han Jung ◽  
Valeria Caso ◽  
Cheryl D Bushnell ◽  
Gustavo Saposnik

Background Stroke outcomes can differ by women’s legal or socioeconomic status. Aim We investigated whether differences in women’s rights or gender inequalities were associated with stroke mortality at the country-level. Methods We used age-standardized stroke mortality data from 2008 obtained from the World Health Organization. We compared female-to-male stroke mortality ratio and stroke mortality rates in women and men between countries according to 50 indices of women’s rights from Women, Business and the Law 2016 and Gender Inequality Index from the Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Programme. We also compared stroke mortality rate and income at the country-level. Results In our study, 176 countries with data available on stroke mortality rate in 2008 and indices of women’s rights were included. There were 46 (26.1%) countries where stroke mortality in women was higher than stroke mortality in men. Among them, 29 (63%) countries were located in Sub-Saharan African region. After adjusting by country income level, higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio was associated with 14 indices of women’s rights, including differences in getting a job or opening a bank account, existence of domestic violence legislation, and inequalities in ownership right to property. Moreover, there was a higher female-to-male stroke mortality ratio among countries with higher Gender Inequality Index (r = 0.397, p < 0.001). Gender Inequality Index was more likely to be associated with stroke mortality rate in women than that in men (p < 0.001). Conclusions Our study suggested that the gender inequality status is associated with women’s stroke outcomes.

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 827-834
Author(s):  
Young Dae Kim ◽  
Yo Han Jung ◽  
Bo Norrving ◽  
Bruce Ovbiagele ◽  
Gustavo Saposnik

Background Expenditure on research and development is a macroeconomic indicator representative of national investment. International organizations use this indicator to compare international research and development activities. Aim We investigated whether differences in expenditures on research and development at the country level may influence the incidence of stroke and stroke mortality. Methods We compared stroke metrics with absolute amount of gross domestic expenditure on R&D (GERD) per-capita adjusted for purchasing power parity (aGERD) and relative amount of GERD as percent of gross domestic product (rGERD). Sources included official data from the UNESCO, the World Health Organization, the World Bank, and population-based studies. We used correlation analysis and multivariable linear regression modeling. Results Overall, data on stroke mortality rate and GERD were available from 66 countries for two periods (2002 and 2008). Age-standardized stroke mortality rate was associated with aGERD (r = −0.708 in 2002 and r = −0.730 in 2008) or rGERD (r = −0.545 in 2002 and r = −0.657 in 2008) (all p < 0.001). Multivariable analysis showed a lower aGERD and rGERD were independently and inversely associated with higher stroke mortality (all p < 0.05). The estimated prevalence of hypertension, diabetes, or obesity was higher in countries with lower aGERD. The analysis of 27 population-based studies showed consistent inverse associations between aGERD or rGERD and incident risk of stroke and 30-day case fatality. Conclusions There is higher stroke mortality among countries with lower expenditures in research and development. While this study does not prove causality, it suggests a potential area to focus efforts to improve global stroke outcomes.


This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ines Smyth

The aim of promoting gender equality and women’s rights as integral parts of development efforts is enshrined in the key strategies and plans of many organizations. This is the case for the individual affiliates that comprise Oxfam International (OI), and the Oxfam confederation as a whole. This report sets out to assist Oxfam to better understand and learn from the Confederation’s work in this area to date. The purpose of the report is to provide an initial mapping of work on transformative leadership for women's rights (TLWR) in order to offer suggestions, impetus and a programmatic framework for the development of an ambitious global program on TLWR. It is intended to complement and drive Oxfam’s efforts to bring about the transformation of the pervasive gender inequality that limits women’s wellbeing, confidence and potential, reproduces negative masculinity traits, and contributes to the inequity dominant in contemporary societies.


BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. e022720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Colin ◽  
Julien Labreuche ◽  
Julie Deguil ◽  
Anne-Marie Mendyk ◽  
Valérie Deken ◽  
...  

ObjectivesWe tested the hypothesis that stroke outcomes in patients with preadmission use of benzodiazepine are worse.MethodIn a prospective cohort study, we recruited patients with acute ischaemic stroke. Mortality, functional outcomes and cognition were evaluated at 8 and 90 days after stroke.Results370 patients were included. 62 (18.5%) of the 336 remaining patients were treated with benzodiazepines when stroke occurred, and they did not receive any other psychotropic drug. The mortality rate was higher in benzodiazepines users than non-users at day 8 (2.2% vs 8.1%, p=0.034) and day 90 (8.1% vs 25.9%, p=0.0001). After controlling for baseline differences using propensity-score matching, only the difference in mortality rate at day 90 was of borderline of significance, with a matched OR of 3.93 (95% CI, 0.91 to 16.98). In propensity-score-adjusted cohort, this difference remained significant with a similar treatment effect size (adjusted OR, 3.50; 95% CI, 1.57 to 7.76). A higher rate of poor functional outcome at day 8 and day 90 defined bymodified Rankin scale (mRS) ≥2 or by theBarthel index (BI) <95 was found in benzodiazepines users. In propensity-score-adjusted cohort, only the difference in mRS≥2 at day 90 remained significant (adjusted OR, 1.89; 95% CI, 1.02 to 3.48). In survivors at day 8 and at day 90, there was no significant difference in cognitive evaluation.ConclusionOur study has shown that preadmission use of benzodiazepines could be associated with increased post-stroke mortality at 90 days. These findings do not support a putative neuroprotective effect of γ-aminobutyric acidAreceptors agonists and should alert clinicians of their potential risks.Trial registration numberNCT00763217.


2020 ◽  
pp. 145-154
Author(s):  
Paula A. Monopoli

Chapter 8 concludes that the Nineteenth Amendment can be revitalized today, to more fully ensure women’s equality. It reviews new legal scholarship that suggests direct applications of the Nineteenth Amendment to today’s voting rights challenges. And it describes how some scholars suggest that the Nineteenth should be read together with the Fourteenth Amendment, as a normative matter, to provide a more capacious understanding of the Fourteenth, as applied to women’s rights, beyond voting. Given persistent gender inequality, and the uncertain status of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), the chapter concludes that it is worth revisiting the jurisprudential potential of the Nineteenth Amendment, at its centennial.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy H. Liu ◽  
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield ◽  
Lindsey R. Vance ◽  
Zsombor Csata

In this article, we examine how the language spoken in a country can affect individual attitudes about gender equality and subsequently the level of legal rights afforded to women. This is because the feature of a language—specifically whether it requires speakers to make gender distinctions—can perpetuate popular attitudes and beliefs about gender inequality. To test this argument, we first identify a correlation between the gender distinction of a language and individual gender-based attitudes among World Values Survey respondents. We then isolate the causal mechanism using an experiment involving bilingual Romanian–Hungarian speakers in Transylvania, Romania. Finally, we examine one observable implication of our argument: the effects of gender distinction of official state languages on women’s rights at the national level. Our results confirm the importance of the gender distinction of language on support for gender equality and women’s rights.


Author(s):  
Bocong Yuan ◽  
Jiannan Li ◽  
Zhaoguo Wang

Female’s access to reproductive health intervention has experienced dramatic change with the development of women’s rights across the world. However, the influence of the development of global women’s rights on reproductive health intervention access differs by place of residence and by the socio-economic characteristics of educational attainment and income levels. As a response to it, this study investigates the influence of the development of global women’s rights on contraceptive intervention access of females from different places of residence (rural/urban areas), with different educational attainment and income levels. Using multi-source data from World Health Organization (WHO), Inter-Parliament Union (IPU), International Labor Organization (ILO), and United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), empirical results show that the development of women’s rights generally improves female’s contraceptive intervention access around the world, and especially benefits females in rural areas, with a lower educational level, and in the medium or low-income stratum. The development of global women’s rights thus contributes to the social equity of healthcare access for females.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Ebenezer Durojaye ◽  
Yinka Owoeye

The purpose of this article is to critically assess the approach of Nigerian courts to interpreting section 42 of the Constitution. This article argues that Nigerian courts are yet to develop a substantive equality approach to interpreting section 42 of the Constitution. Rather, the courts have tended to adopt the formal equality approach to interpreting the section. Analysing some decisions of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court, the article argues that in order to safeguard women’s rights and address gender inequality in the country, Nigerian courts should lean towards substantive equality approach to the interpretation of section 42 of the Constitution. This is not only consistent with Nigeria’s obligations under international law but also crucial to addressing historical imbalances between men and women in the country.


Author(s):  
Denise Lynn

Women in the American Communist Party believed the rise of fascism in Europe was a direct threat to women’s rights. Hitler’s rise to power and what Communists read as a push to ‘nationalize’ German women’s maternity compelled Communist women to argue that fascism was a threat to women’s rights and perpetuated false ideals of ‘natural’ gender roles. Communist women dutifully followed the party’s anti-fascist line; however, they expanded it by arguing that gender inequality was on the rise in fascist nations and women’s rights had to move to the forefront of Popular Front struggles. Communists emphasized the rights of mothers and workers in an effort to better secure the rights of women. This article argues that party women rejected Nazi pronatalism, advanced women’s rights within the party’s ‘United Front’ and pushed their agenda within the American Communist Party.


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