Differentiating Right-Wing Extremism from Potential for Violent Extremism: The Role of Criminogenic Exposure

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 103-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gali Perry ◽  
Per-Olof H. Wikström ◽  
Gabriela D. Roman
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas R. Kunst ◽  
Milan Obaidi

Recently, the world has experienced a wave of violent protest, and in particular Islamist and right-wing extremism have become increasing challenges for many societies. We argue that especially the experience of relative deprivation, that is the perception that oneself or one’s group is undeservingly worse off than others, can explain various, contemporary forms of violent extremism, including (a) low-power groups’ violent attempts to challenge the unequal status quo, (b) high-power groups’ violent defense of their privileged position, and sometimes even (c) people’s violent attempt to help out-groups in need. In light of recent research and growing social inequalities, we expect relative deprivation to be a key factor driving violent extremism across cultures and contexts in the 21st century.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198934
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.


1999 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irving Hexham ◽  
Karla Poewe

ABSTRACT: This paper examines the ideology of the German anti-cult movement. It also discusses the unique problems facing the German government resulting from right-wing extremism and the role of German cult experts in defining new religions as verfassungsfeindlich, hostile to the constitution.


Author(s):  
Caitlin Manz

Right-wing extremism (RWE) presents a national Canadian threat, requiring research and Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programming, which Canadian security and intelligence is arguably failing to recognize and address. A rise in RWE activity, in response to U.S and European right-wing movements is occurring across the country, and Canada is at-risk for a large RWE attack, or series of attacks. Canada could be perceived to be ill-equipped against such attacks unless its security, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies begin to investigate and take seriously the RWE threat.


2019 ◽  
pp. 59-92
Author(s):  
Arie W. Kruglanski ◽  
David Webber ◽  
Daniel Koehler

Chapter 4 presents the theoretical framework that forms the backbone of the remaining chapters in the book. This framework identifies three basic factors (the three Ns) that perform important roles within the radicalization process—that is, the process whereby individuals comes to endorse and/or act upon an extreme ideology. These factors are the individual’s psychological needs, the narratives to which individual are exposed, and the social networks that embrace those narratives. These factors are first discussed within the context of extremism as a general phenomenon, before being applied to violent extremism as its specific case. Throughout the discussion, the analysis is specifically applied to right-wing extremism in Germany. The chapter ends by examining alternative models of radicalization and how these models are related to the three-factor framework advanced here.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032098537
Author(s):  
Michalinos Zembylas

This paper examines Theodor W. Adorno’s notion of democratic pedagogy and the role of emotions in re-educating and democratizing a society, particularly in light of the current political situation in many countries around the world in which right-wing extremism is on the rise. The paper revisits Adorno’s educational thought on critical self-reflection, focusing on his views on educating emotions and the tensions between democratic pedagogy and a schooling of the emotions. It is argued that Adorno’s contribution to discussions of the role of emotion in education and his suggestions about how to resist and counteract fascism and right-wing extremism are not only illuminating today, but also provide remarkable clarity and force of argumentation in educational efforts to create critical spaces in the classroom in which moral and political learning does not end up a form of sentimental manipulation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Hui Bai ◽  
Christopher Federico

We present four studies (one correlational and three experimental) of American Whites that examine relationships between White and minority demographic shifts, intergroup threat, and support for extreme-right groups and actions. We focus in particular on the role of collective existential threat (i.e., a perception that the ingroup will cease to exist), along with three alternative/competing intergroup threats: status threat, symbolic threat, prototypicality threat. Though no zero-order relationship was found between perceived White population decline and far-right variables, we find evidence that (1) perceived White population decline leads to collective existential threat net of other perceived demographic shifts, (2) collective existential threat is related to far-right support net of other threats, and (3) perceived White decline has a robust indirect relationship with measures of far-right support via collective existential threat.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110411
Author(s):  
Hilary Pilkington

This article considers the implications of the mainstreaming of ‘right-wing extremism’ for what, and whom, we understand as ‘extreme’. It draws on ethnographic research (2017-2020) with young people active in movements routinely referred to in public and academic discourse as ‘extreme right’ or ‘far right’. Based on interviews, informal communication and observation, the article explores how actors in the milieu understand ‘extremism’ and how far this corresponds to academic and public conceptualisations of ‘right-wing extremism’, in particular cognitive ‘closed-mindedness’. Emic perspectives are not accorded privileged authenticity. Rather, it is argued, critical engagement with them reveals the important role of ethnographic research in gaining insight into, and challenging what we know about, the ‘mind-set’ of right-wing extremists. Understanding if such a mind-set exists, and if it does, in what it consists, matters, if academic research is to inform policy and practice to counter socially harmful practices among those it targets effectively.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winnifred R. Louis ◽  
Craig McGarty ◽  
Emma F. Thomas ◽  
Catherine E. Amiot ◽  
Fathali M. Moghaddam

AbstractWhitehouse adapts insights from evolutionary anthropology to interpret extreme self-sacrifice through the concept of identity fusion. The model neglects the role of normative systems in shaping behaviors, especially in relation to violent extremism. In peaceful groups, increasing fusion will actually decrease extremism. Groups collectively appraise threats and opportunities, actively debate action options, and rarely choose violence toward self or others.


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