““Verfassungsfeindlich““: Church, State, And New Religions In Germany

1999 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irving Hexham ◽  
Karla Poewe

ABSTRACT: This paper examines the ideology of the German anti-cult movement. It also discusses the unique problems facing the German government resulting from right-wing extremism and the role of German cult experts in defining new religions as verfassungsfeindlich, hostile to the constitution.

2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032098537
Author(s):  
Michalinos Zembylas

This paper examines Theodor W. Adorno’s notion of democratic pedagogy and the role of emotions in re-educating and democratizing a society, particularly in light of the current political situation in many countries around the world in which right-wing extremism is on the rise. The paper revisits Adorno’s educational thought on critical self-reflection, focusing on his views on educating emotions and the tensions between democratic pedagogy and a schooling of the emotions. It is argued that Adorno’s contribution to discussions of the role of emotion in education and his suggestions about how to resist and counteract fascism and right-wing extremism are not only illuminating today, but also provide remarkable clarity and force of argumentation in educational efforts to create critical spaces in the classroom in which moral and political learning does not end up a form of sentimental manipulation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Hui Bai ◽  
Christopher Federico

We present four studies (one correlational and three experimental) of American Whites that examine relationships between White and minority demographic shifts, intergroup threat, and support for extreme-right groups and actions. We focus in particular on the role of collective existential threat (i.e., a perception that the ingroup will cease to exist), along with three alternative/competing intergroup threats: status threat, symbolic threat, prototypicality threat. Though no zero-order relationship was found between perceived White population decline and far-right variables, we find evidence that (1) perceived White population decline leads to collective existential threat net of other perceived demographic shifts, (2) collective existential threat is related to far-right support net of other threats, and (3) perceived White decline has a robust indirect relationship with measures of far-right support via collective existential threat.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110411
Author(s):  
Hilary Pilkington

This article considers the implications of the mainstreaming of ‘right-wing extremism’ for what, and whom, we understand as ‘extreme’. It draws on ethnographic research (2017-2020) with young people active in movements routinely referred to in public and academic discourse as ‘extreme right’ or ‘far right’. Based on interviews, informal communication and observation, the article explores how actors in the milieu understand ‘extremism’ and how far this corresponds to academic and public conceptualisations of ‘right-wing extremism’, in particular cognitive ‘closed-mindedness’. Emic perspectives are not accorded privileged authenticity. Rather, it is argued, critical engagement with them reveals the important role of ethnographic research in gaining insight into, and challenging what we know about, the ‘mind-set’ of right-wing extremists. Understanding if such a mind-set exists, and if it does, in what it consists, matters, if academic research is to inform policy and practice to counter socially harmful practices among those it targets effectively.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas R. Kunst ◽  
Milan Obaidi

Recently, the world has experienced a wave of violent protest, and in particular Islamist and right-wing extremism have become increasing challenges for many societies. We argue that especially the experience of relative deprivation, that is the perception that oneself or one’s group is undeservingly worse off than others, can explain various, contemporary forms of violent extremism, including (a) low-power groups’ violent attempts to challenge the unequal status quo, (b) high-power groups’ violent defense of their privileged position, and sometimes even (c) people’s violent attempt to help out-groups in need. In light of recent research and growing social inequalities, we expect relative deprivation to be a key factor driving violent extremism across cultures and contexts in the 21st century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Susanne Johansson

German Youth Institute (Deutsches Jugendinstitut e.V.),Franckeplatz 1, Hs. 12-12, D-06110 Halle, Germany.Tel.: +49-345-6817828. E-Mail: [email protected] Xenophobic, anti-Semitic and right-wing extremist attitudes continue to pose a serious problem and an ongoing challenge among German youth. Since problematic attitudes and risk groups change with time and according to political circumstances and social change, there is a constant need for the development of new practices and the innovative adaption of existing strategies of pedagogical prevention. Evaluations of German government model programs aimed at the pedagogical prevention of xenophobia, anti-Semitism and right-wing extremism show that sustainable prevention effects can be reached on the basis of productive cooperation between formal and non-formal educators. In order to improve their efforts toward prevention and cooperation, both partners have to refine their collaborative models and their methodology as well as to react better to changes in the composition of groups of participants and students in a society characterized by immigration and globalization.Key words: right-wing extremism, xenophobia, evaluation, prevention, non-formal education.Novatoriški bendradarbiavimo metodaiirmodeliaiksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginėje prevencijoje: geresnio bendradarbiavimo tarp formalaus ir neformalaus ugdymo galimybės ir perspektyvos VokietijojeSusanne JohanssonSantraukaKsenofobija, antisemitizmas, dešinysis ekstremizmas yra rimtos Vokietijos jaunimo problemos. Socialiniai ir politiniai pokyčiai sukuria naujų ideologijų ir socialinių grupių. Siekiant spręsti atsirandančias problemas, pedagoginės prevencijos praktikos turi būti atnaujinamos, vystomos. Vokietijos valstybinių ksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginės prevencijos programų įvertinimas rodo, kad tvarią prevenciją galima pasiekti produktyviai bendradarbiaujant formaliems ir neformaliems ugdytojams. Norėdami pagerinti bendradarbiavimą, formalūs ir neformalūs ugdytojai turi pakeisti savo bendradarbiavimo ir darbo metodų modelius.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: dešinysis ekstremizmas, ksenofobija, įvertinimas, prevencija, neformalus ugdymas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanda Jetten ◽  
Rachel Ryan ◽  
Frank Mols

Abstract. What narrative is deemed most compelling to justify anti-immigrant sentiments when a country’s economy is not a cause for concern? We predicted that flourishing economies constrain the viability of realistic threat arguments. We found support for this prediction in an experiment in which participants were asked to take on the role of speechwriter for a leader with an anti-immigrant message (N = 75). As predicted, a greater percentage of realistic threat arguments and fewer symbolic threat arguments were generated in a condition in which the economy was expected to decline than when it was expected to grow or a baseline condition. Perhaps more interesting, in the economic growth condition, the percentage realistic entitlements and symbolic threat arguments generated were higher than when the economy was declining. We conclude that threat narratives to provide a legitimizing discourse for anti-immigrant sentiments are tailored to the economic context.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter focuses on the role of the dominant player in conservative media, Fox News, during the first year of Donald Trump’s presidency. It looks at three case studies to illustrate how Fox News used its position at the core of the right-wing media ecosystem repeatedly to mount propaganda attacks in support of Trump: the Michael Flynn firing in March 2017, when Fox adopted the “deep state” framing of the entire controversy; the James Comey firing and Robert Mueller appointment in May 2017; when Fox propagated the Seth Rich murder conspiracy; and in October and November, when the arrests of Paul Manafort and guilty plea of Flynn seemed to mark a new level of threat to the president, Fox reframed the Uranium One story as an attack on the integrity of the FBI and Justice Department officials in charge of the investigation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989990
Author(s):  
Burcu Tekeş ◽  
E. Olcay Imamoğlu ◽  
Fatih Özdemir ◽  
Bengi Öner-Özkan

The aims of this study were to test: (a) the association of political orientations with morality orientations, specified by moral foundations theory, on a sample of young adults from Turkey, representing a collectivistic culture; and (b) the statistically mediating roles of needs for cognition and recognition in the links between political orientation and morality endorsements. According to the results (a) right-wing orientation and need for recognition were associated with all the three binding foundations (i.e., in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity); (b) right-wing orientation was associated with binding foundations also indirectly via the role of need for recognition; (c) regarding individualizing foundations, left-wing orientation and need for cognition were associated with fairness/reciprocity, whereas only gender was associated with harm/care; and (d) left-wing orientation was associated with fairness dimension also indirectly via the role of need for cognition. The cultural relevance of moral foundations theory as well as the roles of needs for cognition and recognition are discussed.


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