scholarly journals INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE IN ANTI-THEFT OF CATALYTIC CONVERTERS INSTALLED IN CARS.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 65-71
Author(s):  
R. Pertsev

Recently, there has been increase in the number of property crimes in the world, including theft of external car parts. The number of thefts of catalytic converters installed in cars of various brands has sharply increased due to a significant increase in the value of precious metals such as platinum, palladium and rhodium. The reason for a sharp increase in the number of crimes of this particular car part is small amounts of the mentioned precious metals in the catalytic convertors. The purpose of this article is to consider this problem faced by law enforcement and legislative bodies in many countries and to propose certain ways for its solution. The article provides an overview of the situation with thefts of catalytic converters in the countries of the European Union, the United States and Israel. Detailed reasons for the occurrence of this problem are provided, as well as measures to protect a car from the theft are suggested.  Possible legislative and investigative-forensic actions to prevent this type of crime are considered: - law enforcement agencies investigating this type of crime should clearly understand that we are not talking about isolated, unrelated cases, but about well-planned actions of criminal groups. - increase in control over purchase and sale of metal carried out without accounting and corresponding documentation and amendments to the administrative procedural code also require strengthening. - applying a special forensic marking on parts, including on a catalytic converter, will allow to track its location and provide full information to law enforcement agencies from which vehicle it was stolen in the event of its theft. - inspection and examination by a forensic expert of vehicles and other physical evidence left by criminals at crime scenes for criminals’ fingerprints and DNA profiles will help to significantly increase the detection rate of this type of crime.

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-250
Author(s):  
Lawrence Siry

In recent years, the development of cloud storage and the ease of cross-border communication have rendered the area of evidence collection particularly difficult for law enforcement agencies (LEAs), courts and academics. Evidence related to a criminal act in one jurisdiction might be stored in a different jurisdiction. Often it is not even clear in which jurisdiction the relevant data are, and at times the data may be spread over multiple jurisdictions. The traditional rules related to cross-border evidence collection, the mutual legal assistance treaty (MLAT) regimes, have proved to be out-dated, cumbersome and inefficient, as they were suited for a time when the seeking of cross-border evidence was more infrequent. In order to tackle this problem, the United States has enacted the Clarifying Lawful Overseas Use of Data Act, which gives extraterritorial e-evidence collection powers to US courts. Simultaneously, the European Union (EU) has proposed similar sweeping changes which would allow for LEAs in Member States to preserve and collect cloud-based evidence outside of the MLAT system. This article critically evaluates these developments from the perspective of the impact on the rights of EU citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-389
Author(s):  
Isadora Neroni Rezende

Since 2019, over 600 law enforcement agencies across the United States have started using a groundbreaking facial recognition app designed by Clearview AI, a tech start-up which now plans to market its technology also in Europe. While the Clearview app is an expression of the wider phenomenon of the repurposing of privately held data in the law enforcement context, its use in criminal proceedings is likely to encroach on individuals’ rights in unprecedented ways. Indeed, the Clearview app goes far beyond traditional facial recognition tools. If these have been historically limited to matching government-stored images, Clearview now combines its technology with a database of over three billion images published on the Internet. Against this background, this article will review the use of this new investigative tool in light of the European Union (EU) legal framework on privacy and data protection. The proposed assessment will proceed as follows. Firstly, it will briefly assess the lawfulness of Clearview AI’s data scraping practices under the General Data Protection Regulation. Secondly, it will discuss the transfer of scraped data from the company to EU law enforcement agencies under the regime of the Directive 2016/680/EU (the Directive). Finally, it will analyse the compliance of the Clearview app with art 10 of the Police Directive, which lays down the criteria for lawful processing of biometric data. More specifically, this last analysis will focus on the strict necessity test, as defined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the European Convention on Human Rights. Following this assessment, it will be argued that the Clearview app’s use in criminal proceedings is highly problematic in light of the EU legislation on privacy and data protection.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Davina Shanti

Organized crime is often associated with traditional criminal groups, such as the mafia or outlaw motorcycle gangs; however, new research suggests that cybercrime is emerging as a new branch of organized crime. This paper is focused on the changing nature of organized crime and the factors that influence this shift, particularly in the online space. It will address the question: Can the law identify cybercrime as organized crime? The results of this paper are informed by an in-depth analysis of peer-reviewed articles from Canada, the United States (US), and Europe. This paper concludes that cybercrime groups are structured and operate similarly to traditional organized crime groups and should, therefore, be classified as a part of traditional organized crime; however, cybercrime groups are capable of conducting illicit activities that surpass those typically associated with traditional organized crime. This shift suggests that these groups may represent a larger threat creating a new challenge for law enforcement agencies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amada Armenta

Deporting “criminal aliens” has become the highest priority in American immigration enforcement. Today, most deportations are achieved through the “crimmigration” system, a term that describes the convergence of the criminal justice and immigration enforcement systems. Emerging research argues that U.S. immigration enforcement is a “racial project” that subordinates and racializes Latino residents in the United States. This article examines the role of local law enforcement agencies in the racialization process by focusing on the techniques and logics that drive law enforcement practices across two agencies, I argue that local law enforcement agents racialize Latinos by punishing illegality through their daily, and sometimes mundane, practices. Investigatory traffic stops put Latinos at disproportionate risk of arrest and citation, and processing at the local jail subjects unauthorized immigrants to deportation. Although a variety of local actors sustain the deportation system, most do not see themselves as active participants in immigrant removal and they explain their behavior through a colorblind ideology. This colorblind ideology obscures and naturalizes how organizational practices and laws converge to systematically criminalize and punish Latinos in the United States.


2021 ◽  
pp. 104398622199988
Author(s):  
Janice Iwama ◽  
Jack McDevitt ◽  
Robert Bieniecki

Although partnerships between researchers and police practitioners have increased over the last few decades in some of the largest police agencies in the United States, very few small agencies have engaged in a partnership with a researcher. Of the 18,000 local police agencies in the United States, small agencies with less than 25 sworn officers make up about three quarters of all police agencies. To support future collaborations between researchers and smaller police agencies, like those in Douglas County, Kansas, this article identifies challenges that researchers can address and explores how these relationships can benefit small police agencies across the United States.


Author(s):  
Andrii Melnyk ◽  
◽  
Mykola Gutsuliak ◽  

The conceptual aspects of ensuring the public safety and order during mass events in accordance with the implemented methodology of the National Police of Ukraine in the field of the realization of citizens’ rights to peaceful assembly have been analyzed in this article. The peculiarities of the organization of the activity of the police bodies and subunits within the limits of the joint performance of tasks concerning the maintenance of law and order have been defined. The main ways and methods of using police forces and means while preventing and stopping the offenses during peaceful assemblies have been analyzed for compliance with the national legislation. The authors have also compared some tactical methods used by the law enforcement agencies of Ukraine and those that are adopted from the European practice of policing and, accordingly, specified in the departmental regulations governing the relevant field of the professional duties. The statements, suggested in this scientific article, are based on the results of the interviews with the leadership of the National Police bodies and subunits that directly implement the tasks of the ensuring public safety and order during mass events and have been trained by the European Union Advisory Mission in Ukraine aiming to form a new model of securing the public order [1].


2021 ◽  
pp. 131-194
Author(s):  
Noah Tsika

Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, police censorship of motion pictures was a significant and always controversial index of the expansion of law enforcement agencies to include activities that many Americans deemed unbecoming of cops. As such, it offers considerable insight into contemporary debates over the scope of police power in the United States. Today’s arguments have deep roots, including in a practice that was far more prevalent—and far more contentious—than conventional histories allow. When it came to vetting motion pictures, the methods of municipal police departments varied widely. But they often illuminated broader problems: Detroit police officers who voted to ban anti-Nazi films were themselves outspoken white supremacists; Chicago cops who balked at cinema’s suggestions of eroticism were also, outside of departmental screening rooms, aggressively targeting sex workers; and Southern lawmen who sought to eliminate intimations of racial equality were known for their brutal treatment of Black residents. Police censorship of motion pictures took place not in a vacuum but within the ever-widening ambit of law enforcement, and it merits scrutiny as a measure of the authority, influence, and cultural identities of municipal cops.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Jessica Zarkin

What are the political consequences of militarizing law enforcement? Across the world, law enforcement has become increasingly militarized over the last three decades, with civilian police operating more like armed forces and soldiers replacing civilian police in law enforcement tasks. Scholarly, policy, and journalistic attention has mostly focused on the first type, but has neglected the study of three main areas toward which we seek to contribute: 1) the constabularization of the military—i.e., when the armed forces take on the responsibilities of civilian law enforcement agencies, 2) the extent to which this process has taken place outside of the United States, and 3) its political consequences. Toward this end, we unpack the concept of militarized law enforcement, develop theoretical expectations about its political consequences, take stock of militarization in Latin America, and evaluate whether expectations have played out in the region. We show that the distinction between civilian and military law enforcement typical of democratic regimes has been severely blurred in the region. Further, we argue that the constabularization of the military has had important consequences for the quality of democracy in the region by undermining citizen security, human rights, police reform, and the legal order.


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