scholarly journals Downstep in Supyire

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Robert Carlson

Downstep in the vast majority of cases can be traced to the influence of a low tone [Hyman 1979]. This paper discusses the case of Supyire, a three tone language with downstep unrelated to low tone. Sequences of high tones are automatically downstepped. Confusion with mid tone is in most cases avoided by a rule which raises mid to high tone; the two rules together creating a "flip-flop" effect. Supyire also has automatic downdrift of mid and high tones following a low tone. It thus presents an unusual combination of downstep and downdrift in the same language, but unrelated to each other.

Author(s):  
Chiyuki Ito ◽  
Michael J. Kenstowicz

Typologically, pitch-accent languages stand between stress languages like Spanish and tone languages like Shona, and share properties of both. In a stress language, typically just one syllable per word is accented and bears the major stress (cf. Spanish sábana ‘sheet,’ sabána ‘plain,’ panamá ‘Panama’). In a tone language, the number of distinctions grows geometrically with the size of the word. So in Shona, which contrasts high versus low tone, trisyllabic words have eight possible pitch patterns. In a canonical pitch-accent language such as Japanese, just one syllable (or mora) per word is singled out as distinctive, as in Spanish. Each syllable in the word is assigned a high or low tone (as in Shona); however, this assignment is predictable based on the location of the accented syllable. The Korean dialects spoken in the southeast Kyengsang and northeast Hamkyeng regions retain the pitch-accent distinctions that developed by the period of Middle Korean (15th–16th centuries). For example, in Hamkyeng a three-syllable word can have one of four possible pitch patterns, which are assigned by rules that refer to the accented syllable. The accented syllable has a high tone, and following syllables have low tones. Then the high tone of the accented syllable spreads up to the initial syllable, which is low. Thus, /MUcike/ ‘rainbow’ is realized as high-low-low, /aCImi/ ‘aunt’ is realized as low-high-low, and /menaRI/ ‘parsley’ is realized as low-high-high. An atonic word such as /cintallɛ/ ‘azalea’ has the same low-high-high pitch pattern as ‘parsley’ when realized alone. But the two types are distinguished when combined with a particle such as /MAN/ ‘only’ that bears an underlying accent: /menaRI+MAN/ ‘only parsely’ is realized as low-high-high-low while /cintallɛ+MAN/ ‘only azelea’ is realized as low-high-high-high. This difference can be explained by saying that the underlying accent on the particle is deleted if the stem bears an accent. The result is that only one syllable per word may bear an accent (similar to Spanish). On the other hand, since the accent is realized with pitch distinctions, tonal assimilation rules are prevalent in pitch-accent languages. This article begins with a description of the Middle Korean pitch-accent system and its evolution into the modern dialects, with a focus on Kyengsang. Alternative synchronic analyses of the accentual alternations that arise when a stem is combined with inflectional particles are then considered. The discussion proceeds to the phonetic realization of the contrasting accents, their realizations in compounds and phrases, and the adaptation of loanwords. The final sections treat the lexical restructuring and variable distribution of the pitch accents and their emergence from predictable word-final accent in an earlier stage of Proto-Korean.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Silviana Hartanti ◽  
Budi Astuti

<p style="text-align: justify;">The purpose of this study was to analysis of angklung sound intensity. The research method is using angklung musician 2 octaves. Each consists of two tube tone that sounded from the tone of G to G ', length and diameter of the tube every tone becomes independent variable, while intensity of the sound produced becomes dependent variable. Sound intensity is measured using a Sound Level Meter is placed with a constant distance. The result showed that G tone was a low tone which had a frequency of 49.5 Hz, first tube had 21.6 cm length and 4.1 cm diameter, second tube had 10.1 cm length and 3.4 cm diameter produced the sound intensity of 90.7 dB. G’ tone was a high tone which had a frequency of 99 Hz, first tube had 10 cm length and 3 cm diameter, second tube had 5.5 cm length and 2.1 cm diameter produced the sound intensity of 99.1 dB. It can be concluded that the higher the frequency, the greater the intensity of the sound produced. The shorter tube length and the smaller tube diameter, the greater the intensity of the sound. ©2016 JNSMR UIN Walisongo. All rights reserved.</p>


Languages ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 64
Author(s):  
Yong-cheol Lee ◽  
Sunghye Cho

Production and perception experiments were conducted to examine whether focus prosody varies by phrase-initial tones in Seoul Korean. We also trained an automatic classifier to locate prosodic focus within a sentence. Overall, focus prosody in Seoul Korean was weak and confusing in production, and poorly identified in perception. However, Seoul Korean’s focus prosody differed between phrase-initial low and high tones. The low tone group induced a smaller pitch increase by focus than the high tone group. The low tone group was also subject to a greater degree of confusion, although both tone groups showed some degree of confusion spanning the entire phrase as a focus effect. The identification rate was, therefore, approximately half in the low tone group (23.5%) compared to the high tone group (40%). In machine classification, the high tone group was also more accurately identified (high: 86% vs. low: 68%) when trained separately, and the machine’s general performance when the two tone groups were trained together was much superior to the human’s (machine: 65% vs. human: 32%). Although the focus prosody in Seoul Korean was weak and confusing, the identification rate of focus was higher under certain circumstances, which avers that focus prosody can vary within a single language.


1985 ◽  
Vol 248 (2) ◽  
pp. G229-G237 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Azpiroz ◽  
J. R. Malagelada

Gastric tone may mediate gastric accommodation and emptying; however, it cannot be recorded by manometric methods. We have developed an electronic barostat that maintains a constant pressure (2 mmHg) within an air-filled bag and have validated the system in vitro and in vivo. In four conscious dogs, the bag was introduced orally into the stomach, and gastric tone was monitored from the barostat as variations in intrabag volume. Simultaneously, we recorded upper gut pressure activity by implanting manometric catheters. Studies were performed in fasting and fed (200-ml solid meal) dogs. The barostat system did not distort fasting motor activity. Intrabag volume correlated with manometrically measured fundic pressure activity. However, tonic changes undetected manometrically were clearly registered by the barostat. Meal induced marked changes in gastric tone. A receptive relaxation during feeding was followed by a low-tone accommodation period. Later, the barostat registered a sustained high tone until the return of the fasting pattern. We conclude that the electronic barostat measures physiological variations in gastric tone that are not recorded by conventional systems.


1988 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 2002-2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. L. Hyman ◽  
P. J. Kadowitz

The effects of an increase in base-line tone on pulmonary vascular responses to acetylcholine were investigated in the pulmonary vascular bed of the intact-chest cat. Under conditions of controlled blood flow and constant left atrial pressure, intralobar injections of acetylcholine under low-tone base-line conditions increased lobar arterial pressure in a dose-related manner. When tone was increased moderately by alveolar hypoxia, acetylcholine elicited dose-dependent decreases in lobar arterial pressure, and at the highest dose studied, acetylcholine produced a biphasic response. When tone was raised to a high steady level with the prostaglandin analogue, U46619, acetylcholine elicited marked dose-related decreases in lobar arterial pressure. Atropine blocked both vasoconstrictor responses at low tone and vasodilator responses at high tone, whereas meclofenamate and BW 755C had no effect on responses to acetylcholine at low or high tone. The vasoconstrictor response at low tone was blocked by pirenzepine (20 and 50 micrograms/kg iv) but not gallamine (10 mg/kg iv). The vasodilator response at high tone was not blocked by pirenzepine (50 micrograms/kg iv) or gallamine or pancuronium (10 mg/kg iv). The present data support the concept that pulmonary vascular responses to acetylcholine are tone dependent and suggest that the vasoconstrictor response under low-tone conditions is mediated by a high-affinity muscarinic (M1)-type receptor. These data also suggest that vasodilator responses under high-tone conditions are mediated by muscarinic receptors that are neither M1 nor M2 low-affinity muscarinic-type receptor and that responses to acetylcholine are not dependent on the release of cyclooxygenase or lipoxygenase products.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002383092092289
Author(s):  
Sang-Im Lee-Kim

This study examined contrastive effects of neighboring tones that give rise to a systematic asymmetry in stop perception. Korean-speaking learners of Mandarin Chinese and naïve listeners labeled voiceless unaspirated stops preceded or followed by low or high extrinsic tonal context (e.g., maLO.pa vs. maHI.pa) either as lenis (associated with a low F0 at the vowel onset) or as fortis stops (with a high F0). Further, the target tone itself varied between level and rising (e.g., maLO.paLEV vs. maLO.paRIS). Both groups of listeners showed significant contrastive effects of extrinsic context. Specifically, more lenis responses were elicited in a high tone context than in a low one, and vice versa. This indicates that the onset F0 of a stop is perceived lower in a high tone context, which, in turn, provides positive evidence for lenis stops. This effect was more clearly pronounced for the level than for the contour tone target and also for the preceding than for the following context irrespective of linguistic experience. Despite qualitative similarities, learners showed larger effects for all F0 variables, indicating that the degree of context effects may be enhanced by one’s phonetic knowledge, namely sensitivity to F0 cues along with the processing of consecutive tones acquired through learning a tone language.


2001 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Kent Rasmussen
Keyword(s):  

This paper describes and accounts for the tonal split between bound argument prefixes of Il-Keekonyokie Maa verbs with (apparently) High and Low tone. Data with the tonal split are given, followed by an analysis showing that the apparent High tone must be lexically unspecified for these prefixes. This analysis is required because a lexical High prefix tone in certain verbs would cause downstep, where down step is not observed. Neutralization of the tone split is then considered, with the data presented and accounted for by an analysis for each of the two verb root classes. The conclusion discusses the need for the apparent word initial High tone to be spread from the stem tone.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-443
Author(s):  
Iwuala, Zebulon Chukwudi ◽  
Imu, Famous Oghoghophia

This paper examines negation and types of tense negation in Urhobo. It also identifies negation marker(s) and the manner in which these negation marker(s) are used in sentences. Transformational generative grammar theory of analysis was used in the work. The aim of this study is to determine the syntactic characteristics of negation in Urhobo. The study shows that negative construction in the Urhobo language involves the doubling of the last vowel of the last word in sentences; or what may be called the lengthening of the last vowel of the lexical item in the sentence. Also, the low-high tone can do the same function as the lexical or grammatical tone. It was observed that negation is a natural phenomenon that cuts across Urhobo, and that the orthographic representation of the low tone, which is the copying of the final vowel, is written contiguously while other negative markers are written separately. It was also observed that Urhobo operates suffixation. Finally, the study work reveals ejo, je, odie and and oyen as negative markers in Urhobo.


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