scholarly journals Organizational structure and operations of the Republic of Vietnam Military Forces (1955-1963)

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-45
Author(s):  
Anh Quy Tung Vu

The Republic of Vietnam Military Forces (RVNMF) is a product of the neocolonialism and the US war in South Vietnam. It is organized, staffed, well-equipped in a modern way to carry out combat operations with the US military. After understanding its organization and activities in the period 1955-1963, the author gives out some explanation for the failure of the US in the neocolonialism war in South Vietnam which is actually a military defeat.

Author(s):  
Le Thi Nhuong

President M. Richard Nixon took office in the context that the United States was being crisis and deeply divided by the Vietnam war. Ending the war became the new administration's top priority. The top priority of the new government was to get the American out of the war. But if the American got out of the war and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) fell, the honor and and prestige of the U.S will be effected. Nixon government wanted to conclude American involvement honorably. It means that the U.S forces could be returned to the U.S, but still maintaining the RVN government in South Vietnam. To accomplish this goal, Nixon government implemented linkage diplomacy, negotiated with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Paris and implemented "Vietnamization" strategy. The aim of the Vietnamization was to train and provide equipments for the RVN's military forces that gradually replace the U.S. troops, take responsibility in self-guarantee for their own security. By analyzing the military cooperation between the United States and the RVN in the implementation of "Vietnamization", the paper aims to clarify the nature of the "allied relationship" between the U.S and the RVN. It also proves that the goal of Nixon's Vietnamization was not to help the RVN "reach to a strong government with a wealthy economy, a powerful internal security and military forces", served the policy of withdrawing American troops from the war that the U.S could not win militarily, solving internal problems but still preserving the honor of the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Skazochkin

The main goal of the article was to study the organizational structure, principles of the control system and motivation of groups of creators of nuclear weapons in the USSR in the 40-50-s of the twentieth century. The article shows the political situation that preceded the period of creating nuclear weapons in the USSR, the system of organizing R&D of the US military-industrial complex in the 40s and 70s, the retaliatory steps taken by the USSR leadership to create nuclear weapons of the defense triad, the organizational structure for creating nuclear weapons in the USSR in 40-50-s of the XX century. The weapons production management system created at that time subsequently demonstrated outstanding results in other projects. It is concluded that the success of the “atomic project” was possible, including due to the principles that make up the so-called “Russian management system”, which the organizers and executors of the project, individually and collectively, perceived as their own. The main principles of the management system that emerged during the implementation of the project: a high level of national-state ambitions; mobilization and redistribution of resources in key areas; the creation of centralized control, and, if necessary, control and repressive structures; creation of parallel management structures; autonomy of grassroots units; widespread use of third-party administrative, intellectual and technological resources.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jeongmin Park

<p>The U.S. – ROK alliance is currently on a high after a decade of fluctuating relations. Both the Obama and Lee administrations have been focused on producing a future plan that takes both nations strategic interests into account while also considering the changing dynamics in the region. The alliance partners have had to overcome differences of opinion on foreign policy, the rise of anti-Americanism in South Korea, the emergence of China as a power in the region, and the continuing nuclear ambitions and instability in North Korea. This paper discusses how the realignment of the force command structure and a unified long-term strategic plan, has effectively modified the USFK to better deal with these wide ranging issues and remain a force of strategic relevance now and in the future of Asia. The USFK therefore remains an important part of the U.S. – ROK alliance that has positive security implications for both the Korean Peninsula and its surrounding region. It has also become the catalyst for stronger all-round relations between the long-time allies, which lead to positive flow-on effects in economic matters such as the U.S. – ROK Free-Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA).</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 857-864
Author(s):  
Andrew Yeo

This essay examines antibase movements in the Philippines, giving attention to the development, organization, and role of antibase movements leading to the ouster of US military forces in 1991. Additionally, I discuss how the return of the US military in the late 1990s under a visiting forces agreement rekindled mobilization efforts, albeit more weakly than during the early 1990s, against US military presence. Although no permanent US base exists in the Philippines today, peace activists continue to rally against the US military influence both at home and abroad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 413-450
Author(s):  
Johny Santana De Araújo

In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson sent the first US military contingents to South Vietnam and launched a major bombing campaign in North Vietnam called the Rolling Thunder. This article discusses the reaction of North Vietnam with its defensive system to attacks, using MiG-17 and MiG-21 airplanes, how it made the most of its skills and equipment and how it overcame adversity, its own limitations and immense North American airpower.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jeongmin Park

<p>The U.S. – ROK alliance is currently on a high after a decade of fluctuating relations. Both the Obama and Lee administrations have been focused on producing a future plan that takes both nations strategic interests into account while also considering the changing dynamics in the region. The alliance partners have had to overcome differences of opinion on foreign policy, the rise of anti-Americanism in South Korea, the emergence of China as a power in the region, and the continuing nuclear ambitions and instability in North Korea. This paper discusses how the realignment of the force command structure and a unified long-term strategic plan, has effectively modified the USFK to better deal with these wide ranging issues and remain a force of strategic relevance now and in the future of Asia. The USFK therefore remains an important part of the U.S. – ROK alliance that has positive security implications for both the Korean Peninsula and its surrounding region. It has also become the catalyst for stronger all-round relations between the long-time allies, which lead to positive flow-on effects in economic matters such as the U.S. – ROK Free-Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA).</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64
Author(s):  
Dave Young

In this text, I will unpack the workings of a particular technological apparatus applied in South Vietnam during the war, contextualising it in the culture of systems-analysis which became prevalent in US defence strategy following the Second World War. This apparatus – called the Hamlet Evaluation System – was in formal operation from 1967 until 1973, and aimed to provide US Forces with a vital narrative of progress in their “pacification programmes” in Vietnam. With its disruptive use of computers, the immense scale and scope of its task, and its affordance of a managerial approach to warfare, this system raises a number of issues around the role of the computer as bureaucratic mediator – in this case, tasked with converting complex insurgencies into legible, systematic narratives. What kind of insights did it provide into the operations of the Vietcong insurgency? How does it fit into the wider ecologies of command and control in the US Military during the first few decades of the Cold War? As the Hamlet Evaluation System, almost fifty years after its inception, is still considered the “gold standard of [counterinsurgency]” (Connable 113), it remains an important case study for those trying to understand how computers structure the institutional bureaucracy of war, and how they are imagined as epistemological tools that can somehow reveal objective truths about the complex, dynamic reality of war.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175063522098527
Author(s):  
Marnie Ritchie

This article argues that the US War in Afghanistan, given its status as a Long War, must contend with a specific visual form that threatens to disclose that the war is an irreversible failure: the ‘visual quagmire’. A visual quagmire is a visualization of a nation’s catastrophic, self-inflicted entanglement in war. In ‘Cluster fuck: The forcible frame in Errol Morris’s Standard Operating Procedure’ (2010), Linda Williams argues that the ‘cluster fuck’ is the ‘most eloquent figure of the American entanglement in Iraq’. This essay proposes that the ‘visual quagmire’ is an eloquent figure of the failure of America’s networked war in Afghanistan. To support this, this essay analyzes the widely criticized PowerPoint slide depicting counterinsurgency dynamics in Afghanistan, which was presented to the then Commander of US Forces in Afghanistan, General Stanley A McChrystal in summer 2009. Elaborating on the form of the ‘visual quagmire’ underscores the importance of theorizing the processual emergence of quagmires and indexes that US military forces are responsible for strategic misguidance through how they visualize war.


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