scholarly journals "Remembering is Our Mutiny": An Examination of Exile, Memory, and Palestinian Identity in Salt Houses

Author(s):  
Lena Lahalih

[Introductory paragraph] : “Remembering is Our Munity”: An Examination of Exile, Memory, and Palestinian Identity in Salt Houses “[W]hat is true of all exiles is not that home and love of home are lost, but that loss is inherent in the very existence of both.”- Edward Said, “Reflection on Exile” (1984) Watan means homeland in Arabic. For exiled Palestinians, the politically charged term evokes a painful memory of home, loss, and expulsion from a land they were forced to flee in 1948. The 1948 Israeli-Arab War which led to the creation of the State of Israel, also resulted in the devastation of Palestinian society. This period is regarded by Palestinians as the nakba, or the catastrophe, which saw the displacement and expulsion of over 800,000 Palestinians from their communities (Gelvin 236). Approximately 80 percent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine, upon which Israel was established, became refugees (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 3). The minority of Palestinians who remained in the newly-minted state became “nominal citizens” and were subject to a separate system of “military administration” (3). In the same year, those who had stayed witnessed the systematic annexation of their lands (Abu-Lughod 3). Others became internally-displaced refugees and sought refuge in places like the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which were under the control of Jordan and Egypt respectively (Gelvin 240). Thus, historic Palestine became “a society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was violently ended” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 3).

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Lahalih

[Introductory paragraph] : “Remembering is Our Munity”: An Examination of Exile, Memory, and Palestinian Identity in Salt Houses “[W]hat is true of all exiles is not that home and love of home are lost, but that loss is inherent in the very existence of both.”- Edward Said, “Reflection on Exile” (1984) Watan means homeland in Arabic. For exiled Palestinians, the politically charged term evokes a painful memory of home, loss, and expulsion from a land they were forced to flee in 1948. The 1948 Israeli-Arab War which led to the creation of the State of Israel, also resulted in the devastation of Palestinian society. This period is regarded by Palestinians as the nakba, or the catastrophe, which saw the displacement and expulsion of over 800,000 Palestinians from their communities (Gelvin 236). Approximately 80 percent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine, upon which Israel was established, became refugees (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 3). The minority of Palestinians who remained in the newly-minted state became “nominal citizens” and were subject to a separate system of “military administration” (3). In the same year, those who had stayed witnessed the systematic annexation of their lands (Abu-Lughod 3). Others became internally-displaced refugees and sought refuge in places like the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which were under the control of Jordan and Egypt respectively (Gelvin 240). Thus, historic Palestine became “a society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was violently ended” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 3).


Author(s):  
V. M. Morozov ◽  
A. A. Ermakov

Nowadays the Gaza Strip radical movement HAMAS is the most dangerous opponent for the State of Israel in the Palestinian arena. In recent years most attention of the world community has been focused on the events in the Gaza Strip. This attention is caused by the dynamics of standoff and the scale of events occurred. During the period after authority setting in the Palestinian enclave by HAMAS movement Israel carried out a series of large-scale military operations. These were «Cast Lead», «Pillar of Defense» and «Protective Edge». However for better understanding of dynamics of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians it is necessary to pay equal attention to confrontation both in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. In the article the authors study the events of June 2014 that were a part of the permanent standoff in the West Bank. In June 2014 after abduction of the three teenagers by radicals Israel carried out the operation «Brother's Keeper» which preceded the large-scale operation «Protective Edge». The actions of Israelis aimed at weakening the infrastructure of HAMAS. During the operation in the West Bank Israel used considerable forces. Israelis caused a painful blow to HAMAS. The results of the operation «Brother's Keeper» suggested that the radicals of the West Bank may get developed underground infrastructure and developed infrastructure for production of rockets. The events of summer 2014 in zone of the Palestinian- Israeli conflict showed that escalation may spread from one part of the Palestinian land to another.


Author(s):  
Maher Anawati Bitar

Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.


Author(s):  
Marco LONGOBARDO

Abstract This paper explores the legality of the land closure imposed upon the Gaza Strip by Israel. After having considered the area under occupation, the paper argues that the legality of the closure must be determined under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, the principle of self-determination of peoples, and the Israeli-Palestinian agreements. In the light of these rules, the arbitrary closure of the Gaza Strip should be considered illegal because it breaches the unity between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and because it violates the freedom of movement of the local population. Moreover, the closure breaches the relevant rules pertaining to the transit of goods in occupied territory. The paper concludes that most of the violations caused by the closure affect peremptory rules which produce obligations erga omnes, so that any state in the international community is entitled to react under the law of state responsibility.


Author(s):  
Somdeep Sen

This book rejects the notion that liberation from colonialization exists as a singular moment in history when the colonizer is ousted by the colonized. Instead, it considers the case of the Palestinian struggle for liberation from its settler colonial condition as a complex psychological and empirical mix of the colonial and the postcolonial. Specifically, the book examines the two seemingly contradictory, yet coexistent, anticolonial and postcolonial modes of politics adopted by Hamas following the organization's unexpected victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election. Despite the expectations of experts, Hamas has persisted as both an armed resistance to Israeli settler colonial rule and as a governing body. Based on ethnographic material collected in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Israel, and Egypt, the book argues that the puzzle Hamas presents is not rooted in predicting the timing or process of its abandonment of either role. The challenge instead lies in explaining how and why it maintains both, and what this implies for the study of liberation movements and postcolonial studies more generally.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 374-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Hirsh

Environmental resources and hazards do not recognize political boundaries. The basic fact that the people of Israel and of the new Palestinian entity in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip share several important natural resources compels the parties to co-operate in the protection of these resources. Neither party is solely able to manage these essential resources (e.g., water) and any attempt to act unilaterally in this sphere might harm the interests of both parties. A quick reading of the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area (“the Cairo Agreement”) shows that the parties were indeed aware of this, and the agreement includes numerous environmental provisions in various sections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (7) ◽  
pp. 875-882
Author(s):  
Marie Jonassen ◽  
Amira Shaheen ◽  
Mohammed Duraidi ◽  
Khaled Qalalwa ◽  
Bernard Jeune ◽  
...  

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