radical movement
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2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
O.Kh. Aimaganbetova ◽  

This article provides a theoretical analysis of youth radicalism, which is one of the areas of modern radicalism. The excursion showed that youth radicalism, which developed in the United States, was a response to the discrepancy between the values cultivated in the youth environment and generally accepted rules and standards. As for the countries of the post-Soviet space, including Kazakhstan, here youth radicalism developed during the collapse of the USSR, when, in the conditions of a sharp drop in living standards, it was this part of the radical movement that became more active. As a study in Kazakhstan has shown, youth radicalism, as a rule, has not an ideological but a criminal basis. In this regard, in our opinion, a great danger is posed by various criminal groups, which involve modern Kazakhstani youth, where they are forced to extremism, religious fanaticism, crimes, etc. The purpose of this study was to update research aimed at studying the psychological characteristics of youth radicalism, to analyze the susceptibility and prevention of radicalist sentiments of Kazakhstani youth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 368
Author(s):  
Leilana Octaviani ◽  
Dewi Nur Indah Sari ◽  
Ahmad Fauzan Hidayatullah

<p>Radicalism is a challenge and concern for the world, including the Muslim community in Indonesia. The radicalism movement is evidenced by the existence of violence in achieving its goals in political, religious, social, educational, and economic matters. In the world of education in Indonesia, violence, and intimidation still often occurs so that anti-radicalism education is needed which can be realized through the teaching process, especially at the high school level. Anti-radicalism education requires humans to respect each other's differences and make peace according to the Al-Quran and Hadith guidelines which are integrated through education. For this reason, the analysis in this article is descriptive qualitative with an approach using the library method which aims to understand the history of the development of the Islamic radicalism movement and Islamic solutions to overcome the problems of religious radicalism and terrorism by implementing anti-radicalism education. Besides, this article will describe some of the terminology and examples of the influence of the Islamic radical movement at the senior high school. In Indonesia, the emergence of Islamic radicalism is based on three factors, namely developments at the global level, namely the radical group from the Middle Eastern. Second, the widespread of Wahhabi has led to conflict. And the third is poverty. The field of education also has an impact on Islamic radicalism, which can be from teachers to students, the influence of technological sophistication, the influence of Wahhabi understanding, poverty, even the materials in student worksheets and books also contain many radical values. Therefore, anti-radicalism education is very important because it can require the younger generation to respect differences, humans who love compassion, and humans who hate doing damage. Efforts to overcome radicalism at high school levels can be done with character education</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095079
Author(s):  
Izabela Mrzygłód

This article is part of the special cluster, “National, European, Transnational: Far-right activism in the 20th and 21st centuries”, guest edited by Agnieszka Pasieka. Bolesław Piasecki, the leader of the Polish National Radical Movement (RNR), was one of the influential far-right activists in the 1930s. This article examines his political leadership through the lens of Weberian charismatic authority, enhanced by the analytical Anthony Ammeter’s framework for the analyzing power dynamics of leadership. Through a close investigation of the development of his political career, the article shows—in contrast to much of the existing literature—that Piasecki’s power was forged through triangular interactions between his skills and influential personality, the expectations and needs of his associates, and as a result of a series of events in which he displayed the ability to wield political impact. This approach sheds light on the ways in which political leadership is reliant on a wider network of relationships and shows that Piasecki’s charismatic authority was to a large extent an image constructed by his closest associates. At the same time, it shows parallels and connections between the RNR and other European fascist movements. This approach enables us to define and specify more precisely the nature of the RNR, and dig deep into the complex dynamics lying behind the final failure of the movement and Piasecki’s leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Deni Irawan ◽  
Zarul Arifin

Abstract: Islamic fundamentalism has often been accused as a source of conflict so that it should be ended immediately. And the radical movement should put forward a complete understanding of diverse religions. Likewise, in every movement, it is necessary to keep the political and economic interests away from religion, because such factors triggers inter-religious conflict. The brutal act by a group of people who claims the most righteous by displaying the most sinister and frightening face of Islam, is really far from Islamic values. Islam is rahmatan lil ‘alamin, especially towards fellow Muslims who believe in the truth of Islam based on the Koran and the Sunnah as the main and first source of Islamic teachings. If this motto is implemented seriously, the conflicts that have occurred will not be repeated. In its further development, fundamentalism undergoes a change, a shift, and is further away from its origin. The discussion of fundamentalism today is more associated with a negative impression that Islam is a religion of violence, anti-progress and establishment, conservative, antiWestern, and always takes violence to achieve its goals. This labeling and stigmatization of course has greatly marginalized Islam in international relations. This kind of stigmatization can be understood by Muslims so that they also hold counters in various ways, including counter discourse. However, the efforts made by Muslims have not been able to change the world view of Islam, especially the Western world. Islam to this day is still perceived as a violent religion. امللخص: كام يتم التعبري عنها يف كثري من األحيان يف شكل اتهامات ، بأن األصولية اإلسالمية مصدر للرصاع ويجب إنهاؤها عىل الفور. ويجب أن تعزز حركة الراديكالية الفهم الكامل ملختلف األديان. وباملثل يف كل حركة ، يجب إبعاد املحتوى السيايس واالقتصادي عن التنوع ، ألن هذا عامل يثري الرصاع باسم الدين. إن العمل الوحيش ملجموعة من األشخاص الذين يشعرون باألمان ويشعرون بالصالح من خالل إظهار الوجه األكرث رشاً وخوفاً لإلسالم بعيد كل البعد عن القيم اإلسالمية. اإلسالم هو رحمة لألمني ، وخاصة تجاه إخوانهم املسلمني الذين يؤمنون بحقيقة اإلسالم عىل أساس القرآن والسنة باعتبارها املصدر الرئييس واألول للتعاليم اإلسالمية. إذا تم طرح هذا ، فلن تتكرر النزاعات التي حدثت. يف التطورات الالحقة ، شهدت األصولية تغيريات وتحوالت وأبعدت عن أصلها. إن مناقشة األصولية يف الوقت الحايل مرتبطة أكرث باإلسالم بانطباع سلبي بأن اإلسالم دين عنيف ومعاد للتقدم ومؤسس ومحافظ ومعاد للغرب ويتخذ العنف دامئًا لتحقيق أهدافه. وبالطبع فإن هذا ً التوسيم والوصم يهمش اإلسالم حقا يف العالقات الدولية. ميكن للمسلمني أن يفهموا ويفهموا هذا النوع من الوصم حتى يتصدوا لها بطرق مختلفة ، مبا يف ذلك الخطاب املضاد. إال أن الجهود التي يبذلها املسلمون مل تكن قادرة عىل تغيري نظرة العامل اإلسالمي ، وخاصة ُنظر إىل اإلسالم عىل أنه دين عنف. العامل الغريب. حتى اآلن ، ال يزال يAbstrak: Seperti yang sering diungkapkan dalam bentuk tudingan, bahwa fundamentalisme Islam merupakan sumber konflik sehingga harus segera diakhiri. Dan gerakan radikalisme harus mengedepankan pemahaman yang utuh tentang beragam agama. Begitu pula dalam setiap gerakan, muatan politik dan ekonomi perlu dijauhkan dari keberagaman, karena inilah faktor yang memicu terjadinya konflik yang mengatasnamakan agama. Tindakan brutal sekelompok orang yang merasa paling aman dan merasa paling benar dengan menampilkan wajah Islam yang paling seram dan menakutkan, sungguh jauh dari nilai-nilai Islam. Islam adalah rahmatan lil ‘alamin, terutama terhadap sesama umat Islam yang meyakini kebenaran Islam berdasarkan Alquran dan Sunnah sebagai sumber utama dan pertama ajaran Islam. Jika ini dikedepankan maka konflik yang telah terjadi tidak akan terulang kembali. Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, fundamentalisme mengalami perubahan, pergeseran, dan semakin jauh dari asalnya. Pembahasan fundamentalisme saat ini lebih banyak dikaitkan dengan Islam dengan kesan negatif bahwa Islam adalah agama yang kekerasan, anti kemajuan dan kemapanan, konservatif, anti Barat, dan selalu mengambil kekerasan untuk mencapai tujuannya. Pelabelan dan stigmatisasi ini tentu saja sangat memarjinalkan Islam dalam hubungan internasional. Stigmatisasi semacam ini dapat dipahami dan dipahami oleh umat Islam sehingga mereka pun mengadakan tandingan dengan berbagai cara, termasuk tandingan wacana. Namun upaya yang dilakukan oleh umat Islam belum mampu mengubah pandangan dunia Islam, khususnya dunia Barat. Islam hingga saat ini masih dipersepsikan sebagai agama kekerasan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Putri Hergianasari ◽  
Kurniawan Netanyahu

Radical movements colored the 2019 Elections, especially the dichotomy of the Jokowi and Prabowo camps. This phenomenon also occurs among the people of Yogyakarta after the 2019 Presidential Election. The research aims to map the transformation of fundamentalist groups in Yogyakarta after the 2019 Presidential Election. The significant analysis was carried out to provide sources of information to the public and government regarding the transformation of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) after the 2019 Presidential Election. The researchers used qualitative descriptive methods with the analysis of the theory of social resource mobilization. The research results showed that the transformation of the radical movement that formerly took the anarchist forms and down to the streets, now is more focused and organized by entering the community through religious education and recitation groups, both in universities and at household meetings. This research concludes that in order not to be parallel to HTI, which the government dissolved, the transformation of tranquility is one way to maintain the existence of radical organizations but in a more friendly framework or guise. All of these resource mobilization movements take the form of informal social networks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-208
Author(s):  
Sankar M

This is based on the assumption that Bharathiyar and Gandhiji are ideologically united in the liberation movement or in the political movement, in the radical movement and the moderate movement. Mahakavi Bharathiyar and Mahatma Gandhi lived in the same period. Particularly those who emerged during the fall of the Liberation Movement. Their ideas are the foundation of social progress and the development of the individual. Though both the writings of National Liberation are included in the writings of the people, the National Liberation Movement has pointed out many problems with the aim of liberating the people from them. In both writings, the notion that social liberation is the liberation of the nation. The purpose of this article is to identify and explain them.


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Alina Abramova

This article examines the policy of the radical movement, which is aimed at worsening the situation of women and girls. Various infringements of the rights and freedoms of women in 1996-2001 and 2021 are given, as well as comparisons are made between different periods of rule of the radical Taliban movement. In addition, for a better understanding of the criticality of the situation, it shows positive changes in the solution of the women&apos;s issue since the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the improvement in the position of women after the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001.


2020 ◽  
pp. 016059762096975
Author(s):  
Shaneda Destine

There is limited literature on the connections of local political organizations affiliated with M4BL, led and facilitated by black women movement actors (BWMA). To address this gap in the literature, I conducted five focus groups in Maryland and the District of Colombia in 2016 to identify the challenges facing BWMA (i.e., leaders, organizers, and protestors) in local organizations connected to the Movement for Black Lives. Theoretically grounded in intersectionality and Black radical social movement theories, themes emerging from these focus groups identify a deep racial capital, but challenges a broader vision for movement work rooted in a global analysis. Findings also reveal the challenges presented to BWMA are the following: social media activism as a dominant participation mode, participants’ goals toward colorblind reform policies, and challenges to class-consciousness and coalition-building that signal a racial consciousness among these focus groups and healthy skepticism toward national and global coalitions. This research provides a nuanced discussion of the struggle to build a global working-class movement in local anti-racist organizations which would outline the schism from theory to action. The disconnection between global and local goals is a persistent theme. Implications for future research are discussed.


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