scholarly journals Towards Remediation of Indonesian New Fine Arts

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 797-809
Author(s):  
Iswahyudi
Keyword(s):  
Fine Arts ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Western Art ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Figurative Art ◽  
The Republic ◽  
High Dynamics ◽  
Hybrid Art

Modern Indonesian painting mainly developed from the situation of the Dutch East Indies and Mooi-Indie art that was dominant at that time. The independence of the Republic of Indonesia became a very important milestone in the development of modern Indonesian painting. This is inseparable from the occurrence of a high dynamics and change through various political regimes in power starting from the leadership of Sukarno, Suharto and subsequent presidents. Each of these political regimes also played an important role in the development of modern art that occurred so as to bring out its own characteristics. Until the early 1990s, talking about art was something that seemed synonymous with painting. Although works of art with a combination of mediums have been included in exhibitions since the 1970s, but works in the form of paintings are still very dominant, even in some writings on art the imaginary boundary between painting and other art is discussed explicitly, but the term "Painting" is usually interchangeable with the term "fine art". The development of art that has become increasingly hybrid has helped to shape the climate and new audience, affirming real ideas that are at odds with painting that has already been established. Being different from established art knowledge, hybrid art agents become newcomers who find a place in the struggle in the realm of Indonesian art. Western characters which are an important consideration for painters become subject to change in the fourth phase. This change is caused by a variety of things, including the emphasis on the use of traditional forms, symbolic and decorative, because as a reaction to the political situation. Since 1942-1965, Indonesians have produced more figurative art. The pioneers in this field are artists who when abroad are like in the United States, Europe, and Japan already acquainted with traditional non-Western art in the arena of modern and international circuits.

The Coup d'Etat in Bolivia: Internal and External Factors

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-142
Author(s):  
Konstantin S. Strigunov ◽  
◽  
Andrei V. Manoilo ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Organization Of American States ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
American States

The aim of the article is to reveal the mechanism of the coup d'etat in Bolivia in November 2019. Based on the research of Russian and foreign experts, as well as official documents of international organizations, a research center, speeches by world leaders, and the media, the authors analyze the internal causes and external factors that contributed to the overthrow of Evo Morales and the coming to power of the right opposition, oriented to the United States and supranational structures. The methods for the research were selected based on the requirements of a multilateral and systematic analysis of the domestic political situation in Bolivia, its cultural, historical, territorial, and economic characteristics, as well as foreign policy factors that influenced the situation in the country. A comparative analysis of the coup d'etat in Bolivia with the situation in some other Latin American states was done. The first section analyzes the domestic political situation in Bolivia, economic factors, and a number of actions by Evo Morales which led to the weakening of his position on the eve of the presidential election. The second section discusses the mechanism of influence of the Organization of American States on the election process in Bolivia. The influence of neo-fascist organizations, which receive external support and financing and became the main shock force of the coup d'etat, is investigated. The channels of influence of international players and organizations on the internal political processes of Bolivia are studied. The authors infer that the ousted president did not solve the task of creating and implementing a development project for all social and ethnic groups of Bolivia while maintaining their own support and state sovereignty. In addition, the authors give a critical assessment to the decision of the Bolivian leadership led by Evo Morales to entrust election monitoring exclusively to the Organization of American States where the US position dominates. The authors suggest that, for political support, in the monitoring of the election, Evo Morales should have involved representatives of states and organizations not controlled by Washington, for example, from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. For the first time, the authors reveal and thoroughly study the trigger mechanism for activating a coup d'etat using technologies for dismantling political regimes adapted to Bolivian conditions. They conclude that, in fact, counteraction to left-wing political regimes by the United States in Latin America is de facto a continuation of the formally completed Operation Condor, but using modern technologies to eliminate the unwanted regime in a particular country in new geopolitical conditions.

scholarly journals The United States of America and the End of Dutch Colonial Rule in Indonesia

Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 67-82
Author(s):  
Anna Wyrwisz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The U.S

The United States had developed trade relations with the Dutch East Indies before World War I. In the 1920s, American diplomatic services prepared reports on the economic and political situation in the Dutch colony. The U.S. wanted to defend their interests in the region. In 1949, after several years of attempts to regain power in Indonesia, the Dutch withdrew in the absence of American support. A decade later, suchlike events occurred in connection with Dutch New Guinea.

Music after the Fall

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Rutherford-Johnson
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Contemporary Music ◽  
The United States ◽  
Art Music ◽  
Sound Art ◽  
Musical Composition ◽  
Western Art ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War

By the start of the 21st century many of the foundations of postwar culture had disappeared: Europe had been rebuilt and, as the EU, had become one of the world’s largest economies; the United States’ claim to global dominance was threatened; and the postwar social democratic consensus was being replaced by market-led neoliberalism. Most importantly of all, the Cold War was over, and the World Wide Web had been born. Music After The Fall considers contemporary musical composition against this changed backdrop, placing it in the context of globalization, digitization, and new media. Drawing on theories from the other arts, in particular art and architecture, it expands the definition of Western art music to include forms of composition, experimental music, sound art, and crossover work from across the spectrum, inside and beyond the concert hall. Each chapter considers a wide range of composers, performers, works, and institutions are considered critically to build up a broad and rich picture of the new music ecosystem, from North American string quartets to Lebanese improvisers, from South American electroacoustic studios to pianos in the Australian outback. A new approach to the study of contemporary music is developed that relies less on taxonomies of style and technique, and more on the comparison of different responses to common themes, among them permission, fluidity, excess, and loss.

THE NEW SECURITY CHALLENGES OF INFORMATION WAR

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1855-1864
Author(s):  
Olga Zoric ◽  
Katarina Jonev ◽  
Ivan Rancic
Keyword(s):  
Information Security ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Practical Aspect ◽  
Information Warfare ◽  
Operational Environment ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Information Operations ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

The author starts from the informational dimension of the operational environment in a strategic reality and deal with the problem of defining informational power from the theoretical and practical aspect of information warfare.The deliberations in the work are aimed to initiate a procedure for auditing of the security documents in order to create a legal basis for the operationalization of the content of information security, as one of the aspects of integral security of the Republic of Serbia. The paper deals with the conceptual determinations and importance of information, information warfare and information operations, as well as the content of information warfare, pointing out the strategic and doctrinal definitions of the information warfare of the United States of America, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia. It is necessary to accurately and objectively observe world achievements in the field of national security and the relation of the most powerful world powers to the problem of information warfare. Based on a comparative analysis of world trends and the state of the theoretical and practical aspects of information security of the Republic of Serbia, the focus is on work, where measures are proposed to improve the security function in the fourth unit of work.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

Housing Finance Reform: Should There Be a Government Guarantee?

2011 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 811-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard K. Green
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Stress ◽  
Mortgage Market ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
Finance Reform ◽  
Fixed Rate ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
The Republic

In 2007 and 2008, the mortgage market failed. It failed in a number of dimensions: Default rates rose to their highest levels since the great depression, and mortgage liquidity ground to a halt. This failure has produced recriminations: Blame has been laid at the feet of borrowers, brokers, lenders, investment banks, investors and government and quasi-government entities that guaranteed mortgages. These recent events have produced an important debate: Whether the U.S. mortgage market requires a federal guarantee in order to best serve consumers, investors and markets. My view is that such a guarantee is necessary. I will divide my argument into four areas: (1) I will argue that the United States has had a history of providing guarantees, either implicit or explicit, regardless of its professed position on the matter. This phenomenon goes back to the origins of the republic. It is in the best interest of the country to acknowledge the existence of such guarantees, and to price them appropriately before, rather than after, they become necessary. (2) I will argue that in times of economic stress, such as now, the absence of government guarantees would lead to an absence of mortgages. (3) I will argue that a purely "private" market would likely not provide a 30 year fixed rate pre-payable mortgage. I think that this is no longer a particularly controversial statement; what is more controversial is whether such a mortgage is necessary — I will argue that it is. (4) I will argue that in the absence of a federal guarantee, the price and quantity of mortgages will vary across geography. In particular, rural areas will have less access to mortgage credit that urban areas, central cities will have less access than suburbs. Condominiums already are treated less favorably than detached houses, and this difference is likely to get larger in the absence of a guarantee.

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