RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ORIENTATION OF THE DAGESTAN YOUTH AND THE SOCIO-POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF DAGESTAN

2019 ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Ruslan M. Mamaraev ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Yuliati

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol  but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Ani Grigoryan

The 2020 began with the Coronavirus crisis and ended with the Artsakh war, causing both financial and human losses. An extremely difficult economic and political situation was created for the Republic of Armenia. The volume of military expenditures, which is expenditure priority due to military operations, has increased by about 40 billion drams in the current year. The epidemic restrictions reduced tax revenues by about 113 billion drams. The purpose of this article is to reveal the challenges that Armenia has been facing, due to the epidemic and the Artsakh war, substantiating the approach, that the above-mentioned instabilities will inevitably lead to a violation of the logic of the planned economic growth. During the research, the indicators of the government debt-to-GDP ratio of different years were calculated by the method of quantitative analysis, which show the amount of the debt burden. As a result of the research we came to the conclusion that the economic problems will lead to an increase in the budget deficit. And the lack of the resources to finance the latter will make it inevitable for the Republic of Armenia to attract new external public debt, which will increase the already heavy external public debt burden of the RA. Considering the above-mentioned issues as a priority, this article aims to study the dynamics of the external debt obligations of the RA economy during the difficult economic and political period for the Republic of Armenia.


Author(s):  
S. B. Druzhilovsky

The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 758-778
Author(s):  
Elena N. Nazemtseva

The article analyzes activities of Russian public organizations in China in 1917 after the Russian February Revolution of 1917. Previously unstudied archival sources demonstrate that during that period, a large Russian diaspora formed in the Republic of China. Its composition depended on the specifics of the region. Information about the events in Russia and the revolutionary agitators arriving in China sharply intensified political life in the Russian colonies. This tendency was most pronounced in Manchuria, where the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) had a key influence on the life of the Russian diaspora. Beginning in March 1917, various public organizations and associations began to form here - executive committees, councils of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies, party cells of the RSDLP(b). Throughout the year, rallies, demonstrations, and meetings were held in Harbin in support of the revolution and against the Russian administration of the road; here the sentiment was caution and distrust towards the events in Russia. The destabilization of the political situation caused dissatisfaction of the Chinese authorities and the international community, as it violated the work of the CER and led to the introduction of Chinese troops in Harbin. While in Xinjiang public organizations were less active in 1917 they nevertheless aroused the Chinese leadership’s concern, as agitation could easily lead to serious ethnic conflicts, especially multinational East Turkestan had not yet recovered from the 1916 uprising. There were no such organizations in Shanghai, Beijing and Tianjin. However, one of the main consequences of these events was the weakening of Russian positions in China, as well as in the Far East and Central Asia as a whole.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova ◽  

The elections of the President of Belarus were held on August 9, 2020. According to official reports the current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko won them in the first round of voting. The election campaign was extremely tense. Throughout it, protest moods were growing in the Belarusian society. The reason for the mass protests was distrust of the electoral system of the Republic. The harsh actions of law enforcement agencies to disperse demonstrators caused an outraged reaction in the Belarusian society, which led to an increase in protest activity. After Lukashenko's appeal on August 17, 2020 to workers at enterprises that went on strike, civil society activity declined – the transfer of power did not take place. The development of the situation in the future largely depends on the position that the newly elected President Lukashenko will take.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13(49) (3) ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kosowska

Republic of Belarus begins the third decade of the 21st century with numerous problems, which include the unstable socio-political situation, broken dialogue and relations with the international environment, and Western sanctions. All these factors have caused a lot of turbulence in the Belarusian economy. This article is an attempt to examine the economic security of Belarus in the period of the depletion of the current economic model, the reduction of Russian energy subsidies, the Covid-19 pandemic and the political crisis resulting from the rigged presidential elections in August 2020. Data from the Belarusian Bielstat database, the National Bank of the Republic of Belarus, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and rating agencies will be used as source materials.


2021 ◽  
pp. 63-87
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska

Austrian investments in Poland developed with varying intensity throughout the 20th century. The Second Austrian Republic exerted a visible influence on the eastern area in terms of entrepreneurship, the intensity of this process, the degree of generated changes and the effects in relation to Poland require clarification. Poland was treated by post-war Austria as an initiator of changes in the region and a partner in the exchange of goods and raw materials. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of Austrian economic stimuli, mainly direct investments, on the political situation in Poland. Their effectiveness is estimated on the basis of specific initiatives undertaken, not only for the sake of the national interest of the republic, but also responsibility for economic and political support for the area of Central and Eastern Europe. An important question remains how the Polish government reacted to the offers made by the Austrian authorities. The adopted hypothesis concerns integration in the region. The Austrians, through cooperation with Poland, sought to strengthen the economic and political position of the neighboring eastern countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Teresa Kryszyń

Polish language in the Republic of Belarus The situation of the Polish minority in Belarus was always difficult because the politics of Belarusian authorities was focused on destruction of anything connected with Polish culture or possessing Polish roots: intelligentsia, school, theatres, press. The reestablishing of Polish education in late 80-ties of the last century started from scratch therefore and the biggest amount of learners studied Polish in late 90-ties of the XX century. Recently the amount of students has decreased which is explained by the current demographical and political situation. The most significant influence on forming national consciousness is possesses by family. Unfortunately nowadays it is being observed that most of Polish families has not performed that function anymore and using of Polish language by members of Polish families is decreasing. The leading role of Polish language in a Catholic liturgy is changing as well: the word “Catholic” does not mean “Pole”. According to surveys 66% of Catholics would prefer Polish as the language of liturgy, 20% – Belarusian, 10% – Russian and Polish, 4% – another language. This situation creates the possibility of disappearing of Polish language from liturgy and catechism. Consequently the role of Polish schools and organizations in education of children and teenagers has increased. Language acquisition begins in kindergartens during extra lessons or within Polish groups. The forms of language acquisition at school vary a lot. Most of the students learn Polish languages after-hours, some of them attends required Polish classes at school. Moreover there are two Polish schools of Grodno region. There is an opportunity of studying Polish language in high educational establishments in Belarus, e.g. in Grodno State University Polish language department has existed since 1989 and it prepares its students to teaching Polish language. Farther development of Polish education in Belarus depends on both factors the Poles attitude and current political situation in the country. Польский язык в Республике БеларусьПоложение польского национального меньшинства в РБ всегда была трудной, так как политика властей была направлена на уничтожение всего, что имело польские корни и было связано с польской культурой: интеллигенции, школ, театров, газет. В связи с этим возрождение образования на польском языке в конце 80-тых годов прошлого столетия начиналось с нулевого уровня и наибольшее количество учащихся изучало польский язык в конце 90-тых годов XX века. В последние годы наблюдается уменьшение количества учащихся, что объясняется демографической и современной политической ситуацией. На формирование национального самосознания наиболее значительное влияние оказывает cемья. К сожалению, большинство современных польских семей не выполняет эту функцию, использование польского языка как языка внутрисемейных отношений уменьшается. Польский язык в костеле также выходит из употребления, понятие “католик” сегодня уже не означает “поляк”. Как видно из исследований, 66% католиков хотели бы, чтобы литургия в костелах была на польском языке, 20% – на белорусском, 10% – на польском и русском, 4% – ином языке. Такая ситуация создает опасность исчезновения польского языка из литургии и катехизиса. В связи с вышесказанным усиливается роль польских школ и польских общественных объединений в воспитании и обучении детей и молодежи. Oбучение и воспитание детей польскому языку начинается уже в детском саду в кружках либо в специальных группах с обучением и воспитанием на польском языке. В школах обучение польскому языку ведется в разных формах. Наибольшее количество желающих учится во внеурочное время, определенная часть – в классах с обязательным изучением польского языка. Помимо этого в Гродненской области существуют две школы с обучением на польском языке. В высших учебных заведениях Беларуси также изучается польский язык, а в Гродненском госуниверситете с 1989 г. cуществует кафедра полонистики, занимающаяся подготовкой учителей польского языка. Дальнейшее развитие польскоязычного образования в РБ зависит как от позиции поляков, так и от современной политической ситуации в нашей стране.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Wojciech Łysek

The main purpose of the article is to present Polish eastern policy as motivated by a threat to state security. It was assumed that it is a continuation of the concepts referred to as „the Jagiellonian idea” and the sources of the threat are located beyond the eastern border of the Republic of Poland. In the conducted analysis, a realistic perspective was used as the one that best characterizes the political situation in Poland’s eastern neighborhood.


2019 ◽  
pp. 240-249
Author(s):  
Jennifer Duprey

During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Catalonia saw many of its writers and intellectuals leaving Spain for Latin America. Among them was Pere Calders. In 1937, he enlisted as a volunteer in the army of the Republic, and was appointed to the role of cartographer at the rearguard of Teruel. With the fall of the Republic, he was taken to the concentration camp of Prats de Mollo. At the end of the war, in 1939, Calders went into exile in Mexico, a country where he went on to live for twenty-three years. In exile, he encountered a different reality that often became an important aspect of his literary production, something clearly seen in his short novel Aquí descansa Nevares (1967). In this chapter, I shall argue that in Aquí descansa Nevares, Calders displays not only awareness but also recognition of both the indígenas’ cultural system of beliefs and their socio-political situation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document