scholarly journals Mirroring Misogyny in Hell Choson: Megalia, Womad, and Korea’s Feminism in the Age of Digital Populism

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-133
Author(s):  
Youngmi Kim
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
Technological Advances ◽  
Social Polarization ◽  
New Type ◽  
Use Of The Internet

In recent years digital populism has emerged in South Korea as a new type of political behavior, marked by the political use of the internet as both a form of political participation and an instrument of mobilization. Technological advances and the diffusion of social media have enabled social polarization, rooted in post-Asian Financial Crisis neoliberal policies, to take on a new, more intense, emotional, and radical dimension in the virtual environment. The article examines a case study of an online conflict over the issue of misogyny in 2015–2016 to reflect on how a group of online feminists, namely Megalia and its splinter off-shoot Womad, have used the new media as a terrain for challenging the pervasive misogyny in Korean society. As the article focuses on the online activists’ strategy of mirroring, it highlights how the experiences and worldviews of members of both groups are rooted in identity politics and argues that the understanding of this online conflict should be embedded in similar global and national socioeconomic processes. Lastly, the case study also identifies some of the challenges that online feminism has encountered in Korea.

scholarly journals Digital Civic Participation and Misinformation during the 2020 Taiwanese Presidential Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
Ho-Chun Herbert Chang ◽  
Samar Haider ◽  
Emilio Ferrara
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Online Engagement ◽  
Fact Checking ◽  
Critical Case Study ◽  
Emergent Coordination

From fact-checking chatbots to community-maintained misinformation databases, Taiwan has emerged as a critical case-study for citizen participation in politics online. Due to Taiwan’s geopolitical history with China, the recent 2020 Taiwanese Presidential Election brought fierce levels of online engagement led by citizens from both sides of the strait. In this article, we study misinformation and digital participation on three platforms, namely Line, Twitter, and Taiwan’s Professional Technology Temple (PTT, Taiwan’s equivalent of Reddit). Each of these platforms presents a different facet of the elections. Results reveal that the greatest level of disagreement occurs in discussion about incumbent president Tsai. Chinese users demonstrate emergent coordination and selective discussion around topics like China, Hong Kong, and President Tsai, whereas topics like Covid-19 are avoided. We discover an imbalance of the political presence of Tsai on Twitter, which suggests partisan practices in disinformation regulation. The cases of Taiwan and China point toward a growing trend where regular citizens, enabled by new media, can both exacerbate and hinder the flow of misinformation. The study highlights an overlooked aspect of misinformation studies, beyond the veracity of information itself, that is the clash of ideologies, practices, and cultural history that matter to democratic ideals.

scholarly journals Iconography as a Means of Reaching Political Power: A Case Study of Three Georgian Presidents

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgi Aptsiauri
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Type ◽  
Political Iconography ◽  
The Mind

This paper focuses on analyzing the structure of political iconography as one of the methods to achieve political power. On this basis, the political iconography of three Georgian presidents is analyzed. In the modern world, the most important tool for politics and politicians is creating a political icon. Political iconography is directly connected with Christian iconography. It is widely known that in order to get the desired impact on the society, various forms and means of mass communication are used such as personal, social, visual, rhetoric, audio, and communication. Using them without creating iconographic image from politicians does not have any result. Political iconography reaches and mostly remains in the mind of the society, and this leads people to make their decision to support the politician who is a hero of the iconography. This fits the narrative, meaning, and common discourse of the society, which formed an iconographic image of the certain politician. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a new type of political iconography of Georgia was born which is essentially different from the Soviet iconography. The political iconography of these three Georgian presidents is based on the narrative of creating a modern state. There is however a substantial difference between them. Zviad Gamsakhurdia created the political iconography of a savior, Edward Shevardnadze was seen as an iconic politician, and Mikheil Saakashvili was a creator of power and savior.

Social Media and Urban Social Movements

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Karolak
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Web Content ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Online Presence ◽  
Graphic Representations ◽  
Urban Movements ◽  
Use Of The Internet

The goal of this research is to explore the opportunities brought about by the use of new media in urban protests. Specifically, it investigates the use of the Internet in modern protest movements that failed to bring about the changes they sought, using Bahrain as a case study. The focus is put on urban movements that continue revolutionary activism off- and online in the sixth year after the failure of the Bahraini uprising. This research assesses the need to maintain an online presence for these cities and explains the goals of their online presence. The paper also aims to understand what type of variations exist within these urban movements; and analyzes the interplay between such online manifestations and online censorship. This research is based on the critical discourse analysis of web content and graphic representations produced by Bahraini activists on particular online sites pertaining to each city in question.

Reaching the Base

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
George C. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
White House ◽  
The Public ◽  
Modern Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Technological Advances ◽  
The Press ◽  
Use Of The Internet

This chapter examines how the president harnesses the technological advances of new forms of media to reach and potentially mobilize supporters. The White House has embraced the latest technology to take its case to the people. At its core, the new modes of communication offer an opportunity to bypass the press and communicate directly with the public. The chapter first considers the fragmentation of the modern media environment before discussing the potential for the president to exploit the new media to signal likely supporters and reinforce their predispositions to back his initiatives. In particular, it cites Barack Obama’s use of the Internet, and more specifically social media sites like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, as well as his mobilization of supporters via Organizing for America and Organizing for Action. It also evaluates some of the challenges the new communications environment presents for the White House and the president.

Legitimizing ethno-sectarian conflicts for power: Construction of victimhood and disenfranchisement in Iraqi media interactions

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-141
Author(s):  
Thulfiqar HM Al-Tahmazi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Power Construction ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
Political Scene

The article examines micro-argumentative patterns in 12 debate-like political interactions to account for the discursive construction of victimhood and disenfranchisements used to legitimize ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in Iraqi media interactions across traditional and new media. The analysis found that the interlocutors employed a limited number of argumentative patterns to voice their (dis)agreement and legitimize their viewpoints; these argumentative patterns were either action-oriented or actor-oriented. Action-oriented (de)legitimizing patterns tended to be short-ranged in nature, focusing on the efficiency of the actions (de)legitimized. Alternatively, actor-oriented argumentative patterns were used to legitimize the long-rooted ideological biases about self and others and, therefore, seemed to have a panoramic focus on the ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in the country. The analysis showed that even the interactions that focused on discussing the efficiency of specific political actions and agendas tended to evolve into ideological debates about ethno-sectarian identities and communally biased interpretations of the political scene. This kind of identity politics seems to be motivated by, and to concurrently enhance, the sentiments of disenfranchisement and victimhood, which may further deepen inter-communal rifts in the country.

scholarly journals Bahasa dan Ekspresi Politik (Studi Critical Discourse Analysis terhadap Akun Instagram Satir @Nurhadi_Aldo)

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Nunik Hariyanti ◽  
Senja Yustitia
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
New Media ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Analysis Theory ◽  
Three Stages

Reforms bring consequences of freedom in political, contending, and media freedom. In the freedom of media, the presence of new media is dynamic in the process of delivering messages and opinions, especially in the realm of democracy. Black issues, polarisation supporters until identity politics also coloring the Indonesian elections in Indonesia in 2019, until finally, the figure @nurhadi_aldo emerged as the presidential candidate version of the Cyber Society. This research discusses text analysis in a discourse, according to Fairclough, the presence of text is a representation of the understanding of the creator, and this is open to interpretation. The purpose of this study describes the use of sexuality and satire language as a form of political expression in Indonesia, especially those that appear on the Nurhadi - Aldo Instagram account (@nurhadi_aldo). There are three stages to analyzing discourse based on Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory, namely representation, relation, and identity. The research results show that the language of sexuality and satire used by @nurhadi_aldo is a form of honesty expression to criticize the loss of the essence of an election contestation in Indonesia. Then found bizarre disclosure techniques, hyperbola, contrast, and unexpected techniques of logic use as an attempt to criticize the political phenomenon with @nurhadi_aldo. 

scholarly journals The dynamics and existence of Islamic party in 2019 General Election: Case Study of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-428
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fast Time ◽  
Regeneration System ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.

The Politics of e-Learning

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-42
Author(s):  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Mahesh Raisinghani ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Different Types ◽  
E Learning

The goal of this research is to study the political strategies utilized in the context of e-Learning. The paper is based on the e-Learning Political Strategies (ELPoS) model. The model is based on two dimensions: (1) the direction of the political strategy (upward or downward), and (2) the scope of the political strategy (individual or group based). The model assumes that the interaction between these dimensions defines four different types of e-Learning political strategies, which, in turn, lead to different outcomes. The model is discussed in the context of the literature on e-Learning and is accompanied with a case study that is divided into four parts (“acts”). Each of the four acts provides an example of each of the four strategies in the model. The discussion and conclusions section integrates the findings from the case study, outlines the rules that govern the utilization of political behavior in the context of e-Learning, and lists the practical conclusions that can be drawn from a better understating of the politics of e-Learning.

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