scholarly journals APEC: INDONESIA AS A BALANCER AMONG US-CHINA

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Adellia Monika
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Neoliberal Institutionalism

APEC is an international organization located in the Asia Pacific region. Its member countries are affiliated with the intention of not only developing the regional economy but also making the region stable, because the Asia Pacific region is a busy area visited by international community entities, from developed to developing countries. This research will discuss the role of Indonesia as a counterweight to the interests of the United States and the People's Republic of China, especially in the economic fields of which each country is incorporated in APEC. Because, we know the dominance of the policies issued by the United States and the People's Republic of China in recent years has been very influential both in the international and regional order. The method used is qualitative by conducting a literature study. The approach or theory used in analyzing the discussion is the Concept of Interdependence and Neoliberal Institutionalism. The purpose of this study is to examine the extent of Indonesia's role in efforts to create regional stability between two countries that have more power such as the United States and the People's Republic of China. The results of this study will outline the benefits, opportunities and challenges of Indonesia in APEC membership and its impact on its relationship with the United States and the People's Republic of China. Keywords: APEC, Interdependence, Neoliberal Institutionalism, Indonesia, United States, China   Abstrak APEC adalah salah satu organisasi internasional yang berada di kawasan Asia Pasifik. Negara-negara anggotanya tergabung dengan maksud tidak hanya mengembangkan ekonomi kawasan tapi juga menjadikan kawasan tersebut stabil, sebab kawasan Asia Pasifik merupakan kawasan yang ramai disinggahi para entitas masyarakat internasional, dari negara-negara maju hingga berkembang. Penelitian ini akan membahas mengenai peran Indonesia sebagai penyeimbang kepentingan Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok, terutama di bidang ekonomi yang masing-masing negara tersebut tergabung dalam APEC. Sebab, kita ketahui dominasi dari adanya kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok beberapa tahun terakhir ini sangat berpengaruh baik di tatanan internasional maupun kawasan. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan melakukan studi literatur. Pendekatan atau teori yang digunakan dalam menganalisa pembahasan adalah Konsep Interdependensi dan Neoliberal Institusionalisme. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah meninjau sejauh mana peran Indonesia dalam upaya menciptakan stabilitas kawasan di antara dua negara yang memiliki power lebih seperti Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok. Hasil penelitian ini akan menguraikan manfaat, peluang dan tantangan Indonesia dalam keanggotaan APEC serta dampaknya terhadap hubungannya dengan Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok. Kata Kunci: APEC, Interdependensi, Neoliberal Instutisionalisme, Indonesia, Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok

scholarly journals The United States-China Mutually Assured Distrust

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jalel Ben Haj Rehaiem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Military Force ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Rising Power

The 21st century geopolitical developments in East Asia have placed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in aprime position to play a major role in the complexities of Asia-Pacific politics. China is a rising power, but whetherit is going to be a status quo power or a challenging one remains to be seen. With the world’s largest population, theworld second economy and a modernizing military force, China theoretically has room to have a say in the revisionof the security order in East Asia, which has been dominated so far by an already controversial Cold War alliancebetween the United States and Japan and a new American pivot to Asia since former President Obama announced hisnew Asia strategy in Canberra in November 2011.As China’s prowess grows, so do percolating challenges to U.S. prominence in the region. The gap between whatChina intends to do with accumulating power and how it is perceived in Asia and the West alike has created whatthis article calls China’s trust dilemma with the United States.The distrust between Beijing and Washington has ostensibly plagued their relationship and may continue to dominatetheir interaction for the unforeseeable future; an interaction between an already established world hegemon and arising regional player that is allegedly aspiring to challenge and even replace its rival, at least in Asia for the timebeing.As this article seeks to study the implications of the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a world powerand the trust dilemma China’s rising might is incurring, this work,in its attempt to fathom Beijing’s strategic intents,adopts the security dilemma framework whichrefers to a situation wherein two states may be drawn into conflict,possibly even war, over security concerns, even though none of them actually seeks confrontation.

scholarly journals Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-148
Author(s):  
Mateusz Chatys
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Origin ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Impact

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept.

scholarly journals Polityka bezpieczeństwa i obrony Australii w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku wobec wzrostu potęgi Chin

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jureńczyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Structural Realism ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Defence Policy

The subject of the article is the security and defence policy of Australia in the 2010s in view of the rapidly growing power of the People’s Republic of China. The article analyses issues such as the potential, values, interests and threats of Australia; strategic dimension of Australia’s security and defence policy; Australia’s cooperation with the United States in the context of the rise of China; and Australia’s attitude towards China’s assertive actions in the Asia-Pacific. The aim of the article is to analyse and evaluate Australia’s security and defence policy towards the growing power of China. The main research problem is included in the question of whether Australia adequately and sufficiently responds to the increasing military potential of the Middle Kingdom. The thesis of the article assumes that while the directions of Australian policy are justified, its scale is insufficient. The most important elements in securing interests in the context of China’s growing power is increasing its own defence capabilities and deepening multi-faceted cooperation with allies and partners of the Pacific region. This must be accompanied by caring for the correctness of relations with China and efforts to reduce tensions between the People’s Republic of China and the United States. The article is based on the theory of structural realism of the defensive type. The article uses the method of source text analysis.

The United States and the Asia-Pacific Region: Security Strategy for the Obama Administration

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph A. Cossa ◽  
Brad Glosserman ◽  
Michael A. McDevitt ◽  
Nirav Patel ◽  
James Przystup ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Obama Administration

Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law

1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-517
Author(s):  
Marian Nash (Leich)
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
Contemporary Practice

On March 3,1997, President William J. Clinton transmitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification as a treaty the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Hong Kong for the Surrender of Fugitive Offenders, signed at Hong Kong on December 20,1996. In his letter of transmittal, President Clinton pointed out that, upon its entry into force, the Agreement would “enhance cooperation between the law enforcement communities of the United States and Hong Kong, and … provide a framework and basic protections for extraditions after the reversion of Hong Kong to the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China on July 1, 1997.” The President continued: Given the absence of an extradition treaty with the People’s Republic of China, this Treaty would provide the means to continue an extradition relationship with Hong Kong after reversion and avoid a gap in law enforcement. It will thereby make a significant contribution to international law enforcement efforts.The provisions of this Agreement follow generally the form and content of extradition treaties recently concluded by the United States. In addition, the Agreement contains several provisions specially designed in light of the particular status of Hong Kong. The Agreement’s basic protections for fugitives are also made expressly applicable to fugitives surrendered by the two parties before the new treaty enters into force.

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