Women in Scottish Policing

Author(s):  
Louise A. Jackson ◽  
Neil Davidson ◽  
Linda Fleming ◽  
David M. Smale ◽  
Richard Sparks

This chapter examines the gradual appointment of female police officers in Scotland from 1915 onwards, the political and social context that shaped these initiatives and the work of women as volunteer patrols and auxiliaries. The chapter highlights the gendered construction of women’s police work in the interwar period, as well as the development of expertise in rape and sexual abuse cases. The authors consider the persistence of the marriage bar in Scotland until 1968 (two decades after its removal in England and Wales), as well as the effects of the closure of Policewomen’s Departments with ‘integration’ in the 1970s. Ideas about gender difference remained crucial in the construction of police identities into the late-twentieth century. Until the bedding in of equal opportunities strategies in the 1990s, the authority associated with policing was assumed to be derived from physical strength and, concomitantly, the male body.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Paul M. Renfro

The introduction sketches the contours of the book. It details the construction of a moral panic concerning the abduction of children by strangers in the late twentieth century and lays out the political and cultural ramifications of this panic. As the introduction indicates and the rest of the book demonstrates, this panic—precipitated by the bereaved parents of missing and slain children, the news media, and politicians—led to the consolidation of a “child safety regime” and the expansion of the American carceral state. The introduction situates this argument within the existing historiography of late twentieth-century United States politics and culture, as well as the growing literature on carceral studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna McNamara

This article will trace the key legislative interventions in the lives of persons with disabilities in Ireland. It will explore the growth of a vast network of institutions and the subsequent legislative powers which were introduced to allow for the removal of persons deemed "dangerous" or "mad" from society. In particular, it will consider the powers afforded to police officers during both the age of institutionalisation and the age of deinstitutionalisation in the late twentieth century. It will be argued that the police have played a historically important role in the control and confinement of deviant persons, yet little is known about the extent to which they were involved in the removal of individuals to institutions such as asylums and workhouses. The police continue to play an integral role in the contemporary mental health system and this article will question whether this is appropriate especially in light of Ireland's ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.


Author(s):  
Alys Moody

This book has traced a history of modernism’s decline and of its doubters. In post-Vichy France, the US circa 1968, and late apartheid South Africa, modernism’s fate was precarious, its reputation tarnished, and its politics reviled. The inescapability of the political in these contexts compromised the structural conditions of the autonomous literary field on which modernism had been built. In turn, it threw into crisis the philosophical defense of autonomy and the literary legacies of modernism, which grew out of and were guaranteed by this autonomous literary field. The stories we tell about late twentieth-century literary history reflect this dilemma. According to received wisdom, the period between 1945 and 1990 saw postmodernism replace modernism in both literature and scholarship, and new waves of postcolonial literature and theory discredited the Eurocentric specter of modernism. ...


Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair

Political parties have long been recognized as essential institutions of democratic governance. Both the organization of parties, and their relationships with citizens, the state, and each other have evolved since the rise of liberal democracy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Going into the twenty-first century, it appears that parties are losing popular support, putting both parties, and potentially democracy, in peril. This book traces the evolution of parties from the model of the mass party, through the catch-all party model, to argue that by the late twentieth century the principal governing parties (and their allied smaller parties—collectively the political “mainstream”) were effectively forming a cartel, in which the form of competition might remain, and indeed even appear to intensify, while its substance was increasingly hollowed out. The spoils of office were increasingly shared rather than restricted to the temporary winners; contentious policy questions were kept off the political agenda, and competition shifted from large questions of policy to minor questions of managerial competence. To support this cartel, the internal arrangements of parties changed to privilege the party in public office over the party on the ground. The unintended consequence has been to stimulate the rise of extra-cartel challengers to these cozy arrangements in the form of anti-party-system parties and populist oppositions on the left, but especially on the right.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-83
Author(s):  
Jerzy Chełmecki

The aim of the article is to depict the participation of athletes, originated from the Union of Gymnastic Societies ‘Sokół’ (Falcon) in Poland, in the summer and winter Olympic Games in the interwar period. The Olympians represented gymnastics, athletics, boxing, wrestling and cross-country skiing – sports that were initiated on Polish soil yet during the partitions and were widely exercised in ‘Sokół’s’ societies in the interwar period. In this article, the political and social context accompanying the development of professional sport in “Sokół” can be found. Moreover, included biograms of the Olympians mention, in addition to sports successes, their membership in‘ Sokół’, and their social and professional activities after the end of a sports career. The aim of the article is to depict the participation of athletes, originated from the Union of Gymnastic Societies ‘Sokół’ (Falcon) in Poland, in the summer and winter Olympic Games in the interwar period. The Olympians represented gymnastics, athletics, boxing, wrestling and cross-country skiing – sports that were initiated on Polish soil yet during the partitions and were widely exercised in ‘Sokół’s’ societies in the interwar period. In this article, the political and social context accompanying the development of professional sport in “Sokół” can be found. Moreover, included biograms of the Olympians mention, in addition to sports successes, their membership in ‘Sokół’, and their social and professional activities after the end of a sports career. Futhermore, this study presents athletes whose biographies were contained in the published biographies and memoirs. This sources unambiguously confirm that their membership in the “Sokół” was not incidental, and their social identity was shaped in the process of education of the Society. This research area has begun to interest sport historians for some time, but publications are still incidental and rather focused on the achievements of the 'Sokół' in the dissemination of sport in selected regions of the country rather than the performance in competitive sport. The research methodology is based on the analysis of historical sources, such as sports press, diaries, and in-depth biographical studies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 53-76
Author(s):  
Lauren R. Kerby

This chapter explores how white evangelicals cast themselves as outsiders from political and cultural power in the United States, despite the lingering legacy of white Christian hegemony. Their sense of alienation depends on their concomitant sense that they ought not to be outsiders at all, based on their claims about the nation’s Christian heritage. But casting themselves as exiles is a savvy political move. Americans tend to romanticize outsiders, assuming they possess a novel perspective and moral clarity that insiders lack. This chapter examines how Christian tourists in D.C. depict themselves as exiles, despite the material culture they encounter at the Washington Monument, U.S. Capitol, and other sites. Phrases such as “In God We Trust” as well as biblical inscriptions and statues of Christian leaders demonstrate continued Christian power. It also looks at how this exile role was constructed by the Moral Majority and Christian Coalition in the late twentieth century. Finally, it considers the political benefits of the exile role in a nation that reveres tradition yet cheers for underdogs. Together, the roles of founders and exiles allow white evangelicals to maximize their political power by claiming the most expedient role in a given situation.


Author(s):  
Sheryl Bernadette Buckley

The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was a visible presence across many significant trade unions in the post-war period, largely due to its industrial strategy. The party envisaged that politicising the rank and file of important trade unions and also capturing the leadership of these unions would allow it to influence the Labour Party, as these unions held a significant number of votes at Labour's annual conference. This chapter analyses the success of this strategy in the National Union of Mineworkers, a union that became increasingly emblematic of the difficulties trade unions faced in the late twentieth century, particularly obvious through its 1984 strike. This chapter considers the relationship between Communists in the party and those in the union, exploring the extent to which the party's strategy translated into the union in practice, and understanding if there was any conflict between these two groups who occupied distinctly different roles. Unpicking the concept of 'wage militancy', the way through which the party felt politicisation of the union rank and file would best be achieved, the chapter frames this discussion within the broader context of the increasingly divided CPGB, the political and economic policies of Labour and Conservative governments, and the union's national strikes.


Author(s):  
Eve Patten

This chapter analyses the ways in which Irish novelists have positioned themselves, through their fiction and their critical writings, in relation to Irish traditions of the novel and the short story. It examines a strategic scepticism towards the national novel tradition by looking to a key decade, the 1990s, when a much-celebrated pre-millennial Irish fiction evolved an internal critical commentary on its own fragility, one arguably influenced by postcolonial theorizing on the long-term failure of Irish realism. The chapter proceeds to show how the same decade witnessed the positive consolidation of an Irish fictional lineage through influential literary anthologies compiled by Dermot Bolger and Colm Tóibín respectively. It finds that both collections foreground the strength of the Irish novel in the late twentieth century, while also showing how the genre remained beset by the political pressures of the national context and a problematic Irish literary inheritance.


1997 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivienne Brown

As late twentieth-century discourses of modernity and postmodernity invoke their Enlightenment heritage in a search for the origins of their present achievements and predicaments, Adam Smith's works are still seen as a canonic representative of that heritage. Smith has long been evoked as the ‘father’ of economics and the original proponent of laissez-faire capitalism, but the political changes in recent decades have reconstituted his iconic status. With the full range of Smith's published and unpublished writings and lectures now widely available, there has been a huge growth in the scholarly literature on Smith which has subjected this traditional view to searching questions. The overwhelming conclusion to emerge is that Smith's works display a subtlety and complexity that is at odds with the received image of Smith as the spokesman of modernity, but the diversity of interpretation raises some difficult methodological issues.


1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 1009-1030 ◽  
Author(s):  
George J. Sanchez

This article examines the rise of nativism directed at Asian and Latino immigrants to the United States in contemporary American society. By focusing on the Los Angeles riots and other evidence of the rise of anti-immigrant feelings among the population, this study reveals that a racial nativism has arisen which intertwines a new American racism with traditional hostility towards new immigrants in a variety of ways. Both recent scholarship on race and John Higham's classic work on nativism are utilized to provide a conceptual framework for understanding our multiracial contemporary setting. Tellingly, this new racial nativism emerges from both sides of the political spectrum, and is evident in attempts to keep discussions of race focused on solely white/black national construction. Finally, the study explores how immigrants themselves have responded to these attacks by increasing naturalization rates and political activity, forming a newfound ambivalent Americanism.


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