Guzmán de Alfarache’s “Otro yo”1

2020 ◽  
pp. 158-175
Author(s):  
Donald Gilbert-Santamaría
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Social Isolation ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
Mateo Aleman ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Human Interactions ◽  
Guzman De Alfarache ◽  
The Social ◽  
Almost All

A version of this chapter has appeared previously in print (“Guzmán de Alfarache’s ‘Other Self’: The Limits of Friendship in Spanish Picaresque Fiction” in Discourses and Representations of Friendship in Early Modern Europe, 1500-1700). In a brief episode from the longer fictional autobiographical narrative of Guzmán de Alfarache, Mateo Alemán explores the isolation of his picaresque protagonist through the device of friendship. Echoing concerns that go back as far as Cicero’s De amicitia, Guzmán’s formulation of the problem of finding friends highlights the social isolation of urban picaresque existence, that is, of life in a world in which deception and misrepresentation serve as the currency for almost all human interactions. After several chapters in which Guzmán only partially succeeds in finding friendship, the episode ends with the suicide of the protagonist’s only friend. Despite its ultimately unsuccessful attempt to recalibrate the expectations of Aristotelian perfect friendship to the demands of the picaresque world, the novel nevertheless anticipates aspects of Cervantes’s more ambitious literary experiment with the representation of friendship in Don Quixote.

Raphael Lemkin, Culture, and the Concept of Genocide

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dirk Moses
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Social Ontology ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Human Society ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Post War

This article describes the genocide concept of Raphael Lemkin. Genocide is a curious anomaly in the post-war regime of international humanitarian law, which is dominated by the discourse of human rights with its emphasis on individuals. It embodies the social ontology of ‘groupism’, because genocide is about the destruction of groups per se, not individuals per se. Lemkin thought that the Nazi policies were radically new, but only in the context of modern civilization. Wars of extermination have marked human society from antiquity until the religious conflagrations of early modern Europe, after which the doctrine that dominated was that war should be conducted against states rather than populations. Given that forty-nine members of his family died in the Holocaust, Lemkin's ecumenical approach to human suffering is at once astonishing and exemplary.

FRENCH CROSSINGS: I. TALES OF TWO CITIES

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
French History ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Cultural Impact ◽  
Success Story ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Two Cities ◽  
Personal Attitudes

ABSTRACTUnder the general title, ‘French Crossings’, the presidential addresses over the next four years will explore intersections and relationships between cultures, periods, disciplines, approaches, historiographies and problems, all within the general field of early modern and modern French history. ‘Tales of Two Cities’ takes as its approach both comparative history andl'histoire croisée. It compares and contrasts the very differing cultural impact on each side of the Channel of one of the most influential British novels about Franco-British political culture, namely, Charles Dickens'sA Tale of Two Cities(1859). The novel has been conventionally hailed in England, especially from the end of the nineteenth century, as a parable unfavourably contrasting France's revolutionary tradition with the allegedly more humane political evolutionism of England. In France, the novel has been largely ignored or else viewed as a Burkean rant. Yet Dickens's personal attitudes towards France and in particular Paris suggests a more ambiguous and complicated history. For Dickens, modern Paris, as regenerated under Haussmann, was a brilliant success story against which he contrasted both Paris in the 1790s and the social and political circumstances he claimed to detect within English metropolitan culture in the recent past and present. Dickens views the radical and disinherited workers’ suburb of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine less, it is suggested, as quintessentially French than as quintessentially plebeian, and the prospect of a slide into revolutionary politics as a lurking threat within England as well as France.

‘Freethinking’ and ‘Freedom of Thought’ in eighteenth-century Britain

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 599-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter N. Miller
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Moral Order ◽  
Political Society ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Intellectual Inquiry ◽  
The Social ◽  
Freedom Of Thought

ABSTRACTIn early modern Europe, religious heterodoxy and intellectual inquiry posed serious challenges to the authority of centralizing forces both secular and ecclesiastical. At the same time, however, these dangerous developments had been driven by those individuals whom eighteenth-century writers had adopted as ‘culture heroes’ for an age increasingly self-conscious of its own enlightened status. In Britain, the newly established order defended itself against the scepticism and moral determinism of ‘freethinkers’ by upholding a religious and moral order based on liberty. But ‘freethinkers’ such as Anthony Collins were themselves the inheritors of, and propagandists for, the seventeenth-century revolution in science which underpinned the ideology being wielded against them. Their challenge elicited from Edmund Law an argument which co-opted their epistemology to ground the familiar metaphysics of liberty associated with the Newtonian position of Samuel Clarke. Where ‘freethinking’ had been perceived as a dangerous solvent of the social order, ‘freedom of thought’, within limits that were themselves a leading subject of debate in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain, could be upheld as consistent with the demands of political society.

The Price of Friendship

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Maria Salomon Arel
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Gift Giving ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Building Relationships ◽  
The Social ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
The Gift ◽  
Networks Of Support

Abstract This article discusses the gift-giving behaviour of English merchants involved in the Russia trade in the Muscovite era. Drawing on a small, but growing body of historical literature relating to the role of gifts in the cultivation of mutually beneficial relations between people across the social spectrum in early modern Europe, it explores the various ways in which the English deployed the practice of giving to their advantage, both in England and in Russia. In particular, as ‘strangers’ in Russia who operated beyond the parameters of traditional kin- and community-based networks of support, English merchants (and other foreigners, such as their Dutch competitors) needed to both ‘befriend’ Russian clients on the ground in every-day trade and nurture relationships in high places to ensure smooth, profitable, and secure business. As the sources reveal, they engaged in a variety of gift-giving behaviours in building relationships with Russians advantageous to their enterprise.

Liberating Judgment

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas John Casson
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Early Modern Europe ◽  
Absolute Certainty ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
The Way

Examining the social and political upheavals that characterized the collapse of public judgment in early modern Europe, this book offers a unique account of the achievement of liberal democracy and self-government. The book argues that the work of John Locke instills a civic judgment that avoids the excesses of corrosive skepticism and dogmatic fanaticism, which lead to either political acquiescence or irresolvable conflict. Locke changes the way political power is assessed by replacing deteriorating vocabularies of legitimacy with a new language of justification informed by a conception of probability. For Locke, the coherence and viability of liberal self-government rests not on unassailable principles or institutions, but on the capacity of citizens to embrace probable judgment. The book explores the breakdown of the medieval understanding of knowledge and opinion, and considers how Montaigne's skepticism and Descartes' rationalism—interconnected responses to the crisis—involved a pragmatic submission to absolute rule. Locke endorses this response early on, but moves away from it when he encounters a notion of reasonableness based on probable judgment. In his mature writings, Locke instructs his readers to govern their faculties and intellectual yearnings in accordance with this new standard as well as a vocabulary of justification that might cultivate a self-government of free and equal individuals. The success of Locke's arguments depends upon citizens' willingness to take up the labor of judgment in situations where absolute certainty cannot be achieved.

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