scholarly journals Impact of Violent Crime on Risk Aversion: Evidence from the Mexican Drug War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Brown ◽  
Verónica Montalva ◽  
Duncan Thomas ◽  
Andrea Velásquez
2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (5) ◽  
pp. 892-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Brown ◽  
Verónica Montalva ◽  
Duncan Thomas ◽  
Andrea Velásquez

Whereas attitudes toward risk play an important role in many decisions over the life course, factors that affect those attitudes are not fully understood. Using longitudinal survey data collected in Mexico before and during the Mexican war on drugs, we investigate how risk attitudes change with variation in insecurity and uncertainty brought on by unprecedented changes in local-area violent crime. Exploiting the fact that the timing, virulence, and spatial distribution of changes in violent crime were unanticipated, we establish there is a rise in risk aversion spread across the entire local population as local-area violent crime increases.


Author(s):  
Omar García-Ponce ◽  
Thomas Zeitzoff ◽  
Leonard Wantchekon

Abstract Are individuals in violent contexts reluctant to tackle corruption for fear of future violence? Or does violence mobilize them to fight corruption? We investigate these questions looking at the effects of fear and violence stemming from the Mexican Drug War on attitudes toward corruption. We conducted two surveys before the 2012 Mexican presidential election. First, as part of a nationally representative survey, we find a positive correlation between fear of violence and willingness to accept corruption in exchange for lower levels of violence. To disentangle causal effects, we conducted a follow-up survey experiment in Greater Mexico City where we manipulated fear over the Drug War. We find that individuals within this context are not easily scared. Those who received a common fear-inducing manipulation do not report higher levels of fear and are less willing to tolerate corruption. Conversely, we find strong evidence that individuals who have been victims of crime are more likely to report both higher levels of fear and willingness to accept corruption if it lowers violence. Our findings suggest that voters are more strategic and resilient in the face of violence than many extant theories of political behavior suggest.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amilcar Orlian Fernandez-Dominguez

AbstractAccording to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), violence should be considered by examining both actual and perceived crime. However, the studies related to violence and internal migration under the Mexican drug war episode focus only on one aspect of violence (perception or actual), so their conclusions rely mostly on limited evidence. This article complements previous work by examining the effects of both perceived and actual violence on interstate migration through estimation of a gravity model along three 5-year periods spanning from 2000 to 2015. Using the methods of generalized maximum entropy (to account for endogeneity) and the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition, the results show that actual violence (measured by homicide rates) does affect migration, but perceived violence explains a greater proportion of higher average migration after 2005. Since this proportion increased after 2010 and actual violence, the results suggest that there was some adaptation to the new levels of violence in the period 2010–2015.


10.1596/24872 ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ted Enamorado ◽  
Luis F. López-Calva ◽  
Carlos Rodríguez-Castelán ◽  
Hernán Winkler

Author(s):  
Joshua Hurtado Hurtado

While there has been research focusing on security issues in Mexico in the context of the Mexican Drug War and the effects of violence on its population, little has been done to explore the relationship between public-official discourse, political practices and mourning at a societal level. Using the Logics of Critical Explanation (LCE) framework developed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, and focusing on the notions of mourning and melancholia at a societal level, this paper argues that the conditions for mourning at a societal level have not been met in public-official discourse regarding the security policy and the Mexican Drug War, resulting in subjects experiencing blocked mourning. It views the Peace and Reconciliation Forums as a political logic that seeks to differentiate the approach taken by the incoming López Obrador administration in relation to security strategy formulation and attention to victims and Human Rights’ groups. It also argues that while the forums themselves have some attributes that could pave the way for successful mourning to occur, a comprehensive set of practices needs to materialize that addresses the concerns of violence-affected subjects.


Author(s):  
Kristian Skrede Gleditsch ◽  
Mauricio Rivera ◽  
Bárbara Zárate-Tenorio

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