scholarly journals Women Architects outside the Spanish Borders: Patriarchal Models at International Congresses (1939–1975)

Arts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Josenia Hervás ◽  
Silvia Blanco-Agüeira

In the complex political scene surrounding the death of Francisco Franco, Spanish female architects were crossing borders to try and understand what was happening abroad. This article provides unpublished data on the various experiences of female graduates in Spain when they shared their enthusiasm, concerns and energy with colleagues from other countries at international conferences that took place before the arrival of democracy. For almost four decades, between 1939 and 1975, Spanish female architects were limited by the patriarchal system’s own barriers and by the political barriers imposed by Franco’s regime. This paper aims to organise and articulate women’s memories, proving the implicit acceptance of patriarchal ideas and models at the start of the 20th century, the timidity of the congress resolutions in the sixties and the later awakening provided by UIFA (Union Internationale des Femmes Architectes) congresses. Finally, it is worth examining the metamorphosis that occurred in free western societies in the 20th century, with respect to the role played by women as a user and as a professional, through the attentive gaze of women architects from a nondemocratic country.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Turska-Kawa ◽  
Rafał Glajcar

Abstract The turn of the 20th century experienced an intensification of processes that strengthened Silesian identity, which became an important element of political debate in the region. This was reflected in the emergence of a growing number of entities that placed Silesian issues among their priority objectives and defined themselves as representatives of the interests of Silesia and Silesians. The aim of the study was to verify the political representative potential of groups in Upper Silesia. We accepted the hypothesis that the stronger the identity of a particular group (regional or national) the greater the probability that entities placing fundamental objectives strictly within the scope of regional issues should enjoy broad support in the region, and such entities consequently should be perceived as political representatives of the group. A study conducted using the categorized interview method (N=54) proves quite clearly that Silesians are unable to identify entities on the regional political scene that could represent them sufficiently. The determinants of this state of affairs are found not only in the negative actions of political entities but also in the absence of a clear vision of representation, which could constitute a basis for the formulated expectations of Silesians.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 137-159
Author(s):  
Zoran Krstic

The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Peron in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Peron?s demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Peron, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society.


Populasi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dias Pradadimara

The city of Makassar, once named Ujung Pandang, in South Sulawesi, underwent tremendous transformation in the 20th century. This transformation significantly changed the image of the city from a cosmopolitan town to a provincial and “ethnic” city. This article shows that the changes of the city’s image did not happen by itself. There were changing structural conditions, namely demographic and political conditions, which allowed the changes to happen.Since early 20th century the population of the city has grown exponentially. First, in-migrants from the surrounding regions in the eastern part of Indonesia flocked into the city until early 1950s. Second, due to the rebellion and unrest in the countryside of South Sulawesi since 1950 inmigrants, mostly refugees, from Bugis-speaking areas in even larger number swarmed Makassar. Parallel with the demographical changes, the political scene in the city (and the province) was increasingly dominated by politicians and bureaucrats of South-Sulawesi origins. The Permesta rebellion in late-1950s triggered the departure of mostly non-South Sulawesi politicians away from the region leaving the political stage fully in the hands of local politicians. The “ethnic-ization” of the city was made possible by these demographical and political changes.


2000 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-289
Author(s):  
S Ingle

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman F. Duffy

The use of compulsory arbitration for the determination of the conditions of employment has a long history in Australia. This paper covers the events leading up to the introduction of legislation for conciliation and for the compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes in Western Australia. After two bruising strikes and the experience of successful voluntary arbitration, the union movement came to the view that compulsory arbitration would be to their advantage. The development of political links between the unions and some members of the Legislative Assembly, coupled with certain fortuitous circumstances in the Parliament, resulted in arbitration legislation being passed in 1900—despite the dominance of the political scene by conservative forces and the opposition of the employers. Early experiences with the legislation showed that conciliation was not successful when arbitration was readily available and that the Act was not the answer to all the problems of the trade union movement.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Matuszek

The aim of this article is to raise a few issues related with the political group of Kukiz’15,which is an unprecedented phenomenon on the Polish political scene after 1989. First of all,the paper tried to present the genesis of the formation, including the factors that contributedto its creation and development. Secondly, the analysis of ideological assumptions was made.Thirdly, an attempt was made to classify the formation based on its characteristics. Thecontent analysis method was used to carry out this task, and the source base was made upof press enunciations by nationwide opinion-forming magazines, such as “Rzeczpospolita”and “Gazeta Wyborcza”, monographs and elaborations, as well as Internet sources. It shouldbe emphasized that this study was assumed to represent an introduction to the in-depthresearch into the phenomenon that is undoubtedly this political group.Keywords: Kukiz’15, Polish Political Scene, Political Formations


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