scholarly journals Confucian Identification, Ancestral Beliefs, and Ancestral Rituals in Korea

Religions ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Jibum Kim ◽  
Jae-Mahn Shim ◽  
Sori Kim

Since Koreans do not consider Confucianism to be part of religion, conventional religious identification questions cannot accurately capture the number of Confucians in Korea. Using the Korean General Social Survey and other data sources, we aim to describe the identification, beliefs, and practices related to Confucianism, especially ancestral rituals, and to examine whether these beliefs and practices differ across religious groups. Contrasted with 0.2% of the adult population identifying their religion as Confucianism in the 2015 Korean Census, 51% considered themselves as Confucians when asked, “(Regardless of your religious affiliation) do you consider yourself a Confucian?” If we consider those who think that rites for deceased family members are Confucian, the proportion was 44%. Considering those who conduct ancestral rites at a gravesite as Confucians, the proportion was 86%, but was only 70% when we count those who perform ancestral rites at home as Confucians. We also found substantial differences among religious groups. In general, Buddhists were most likely and Protestants were least likely to identify with Confucianism, believe in the power of ancestors, and perform ancestral rites. Perhaps most telling is the result of religious none falling in the middle between Buddhists and Protestants in terms of identification, beliefs, and rituals of Confucianism. The differences of religious groups appear to reflect religious syncretism and the exclusivity of religion. It is overstating to declare a revival of Confucianism, but it is reasonable to say that Confucianism is not a dying tradition in Korean society.

Author(s):  
Michael Hout ◽  
Andrew Greeley

This chapter discusses the link between happiness and religion. It draws on meaning-and-belonging theory to deduce that a religious affiliation heightens happiness through participation in collective religious rituals. Attendance and engagement appear key: a merely nominal religious affiliation makes people little happier. Notably, two religious foundations of happiness—affiliation with organized religious groups and attendance at services—have fallen. Softened religious engagement, then, may contribute to the slight downturn in general happiness. In fact, steady happiness is reported among those who participate frequently in religious services, but falling levels among those who are less involved. The chapter also considers the association between religion and happiness outside the United States using data from the International Social Survey Program, an international collaborative survey to which the General Social Survey contributes the American data.


Author(s):  
Kristi Winters

After years of exceptionally high levels of religious adherence and identity, the latter part of the 20th century saw the start of a trend: increasing numbers of Americans reported they had no religious affiliation when asked by pollsters. From the start of polling on religious beliefs and identity in the mid-20th century, Americans were unlikely to report they had “none” when asked to name their religious identity. National surveys in the 1970s and 1980s found fewer than one-in-ten American adults reported they had no religious affiliation. After decades of reported religious belief levels and religious identity patterns that remained robust, America is experiencing a decline in religiosity in the 21st century. Research in 2016 found that nearly one-quarter of those surveyed identified as “atheist,” “agnostic,” or “nothing in particular,” nearly triple the 9% reporting the same during the General Social Survey in 1992. Those without a religious identification are now the second largest “religious” group in America What accounts for the observed changes in American’s religious affiliation responses over time? Social researchers have identified more than one possible source of change. One could be changing social forces; a second source of variation might come from changes in which people, how people, and why people answer religious affiliation questions over time; and third, the factors people say were the source of change in their religious affiliation.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Morgan

This report provides a coding of EGP social classes that can be implemented for data sources, such as the General Social Survey, that utilize the 2010 US Census occupational classification. The report explains the rationale for the coding as well as the specific coding decisions. It demonstrates how to implement the coding for the General Social Survey, and it presents a comparison of EGP social classes in both the GSS and the American Community Survey.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Vladimir Bakrač ◽  
Danijela Vuković-Ćalasan ◽  
Predrag Živković ◽  
Rade Šarović

The process of converting individuals to a particular religious community is one of the issues addressed by the Sociology of Religion. In the post-socialist Montenegrin society, there have been research works related to dominant religious communities, the Orthodox, the Roman Catholic, and the Islamic, while science has shown no interest in small religious groups. The Adventist movement in Montenegro, although present for a long period of time, has failed to mobilise individuals for conversion to a greater extent. Therefore, this research aims to find out when, under what conditions and in what way the individuals in Montenegro, as a post-socialist state, chose Adventism as religious affiliation, what affected this process the most, and were there any specificities in that regard. This paper is a result of a survey conducted via an in-depth interview with 17 believers of the Adventist Church. The obtained results indicate several valuable data: most respondents accepted the Adventist movement in Montenegro in the early 1990s; they got first-hand knowledge of this religion from their friends or wider family members and relatives, a consistent interpretation of the Holy Bible is the main reason for conversion. A significant factor in the process of conversion to Adventism is early religious socialisation within a family.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (7) ◽  
pp. 1797-1826 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew May ◽  
Jeremy Reynolds

Religion is an important part of life for many women and men. Research on religion and work–family issues, however, remains limited. To better understand how religion influences work–family experiences, we use data from the General Social Survey to examine subjective experiences of work–family conflict across three religious groups and the nonreligious. Specifically, we examine how conservative Protestants, Catholics/Orthodox Christians, mainline Protestants, and the nonreligious differ in their perceptions of work-to-family and family-to-work conflict. We find that conservative Protestant women, but not men, report less work-to-family conflict and less family-to-work conflict than their peers in other religious groups even after controlling for religious service attendance, specific job features, and sociodemographic characteristics. Catholic/Orthodox men report less family-to-work conflict than conservative Protestant men. We suggest that researchers examine religion more closely to determine if the experiences of conservative Protestant women and Catholic/Orthodox men hold useful lessons for others.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Gullickson

Since 1990, the percent of Americans with no religious affiliation has grown substantially. Prior work has shown that between 1990 and 2000, the religiously unaffiliated population also became more religious in belief and practices, both in absolute terms and relative to the affiliated population. This curious empirical finding is believed to be driven by a dilution effect in which moderate believers disaffiliated from organized religion without giving up religious beliefs and practices. In the current article, I use data from the General Social Survey to show that this convergence of beliefs and practices of the religiously affiliated and unaffiliated ended around 2000. Since 2000, the religiously unaffiliated have decreased their belief in god and the afterlife, and have not increased their prayer frequency. The trends for the affiliated have been either increasing or unchanging and thus the religious practices and beliefs of the religiously affiliated and unaffiliated have diverged since 2000. The change in trend for the religiously unaffiliated after 2000 cannot fully be explained generational succession or the growing percentage of Americans raised without religion. Although the unaffiliated remain very heterogeneous in their beliefs and practices, these results point to a growing religious polarization in the United States.


2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Harville ◽  
Beth M. Rienzi

The relationship between Judeo-Christian beliefs and attitudes toward employed women was examined. Participants ( N = 9,742) responded to the National Opinion Research Center's General Social Survey (Davis & Smith, 1996a). Attitudes toward employed women varied by strength of religiosity, gender, religious affiliation, and year; as strength of religiosity increased, attitudes became more traditional. Men had more traditional attitudes than women. The women who are more religious had attitudes that were more conservative than less religious women. Christians had more traditional attitudes than Jews and the nonreligious. Between 1985 and 1996, attitudes became less traditional. These findings suggest that attitudes toward working women are changing in a gradual manner, but that men and women hold very different attitudes about working women, even within the same religious affiliation.


Author(s):  
Andrew McKinnon

Abstract Background The absence of census data on religious identification in Nigeria since 1963 leaves much uncertainty about the most basic religious composition of the country. It is generally accepted that identification with traditional worship declined over the middle of the twentieth century as identification with Islam and Christianity increased, leaving these the two dominant religious groups in the country. The current relative proportions of Christians and Muslims has often been the subject of conjecture, guesswork and assertion, as have trajectories of growth or decline. Purpose Where researchers have used sound data to address this question, they have often drawn on a single survey, or, if on multiple data sources, it is unclear how the different estimates the data provides are reconciled. This paper seeks to address these gaps to construct a better picture of the religious composition of Nigeria, and to consider the trajectory of change. Methods This study presents data from 11 nationally representative surveys of adults conducted between 1990 and 2018. Surveys include four waves of the World Values Survey, five waves of the Afrobarometer survey, The Pew Tolerance and Tension survey, and the Nigerian General Household Survey of 2010. Results The results show that identification with Christianity is likely to have been the majority among Nigerian adults through this period. Evidence suggests that identification with Christianity was still growing in the first half of the 1990s, to a high point of 69% of the adult population. This growth was associated with the tail of the decline of identification with traditional worship. Thereafter identification with Christianity has declined in proportional terms as identification with Islam has increased. Evidence is consistent with literature that suggests that this change is driven by differences in fertility, rather than by religious identity switching. Conclusion and Implications Trends presented suggest that the Muslim-identified population is likely on track to have become an absolute majority of Nigerian adults, possibly within a decade with widespread implications, including for electoral politics.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan Stewart

Social science research is interested in the growing number of Americans who express no religious affiliation on surveys, but concerns about underreporting, misreporting, and inconsistency in lived religion raises a question about our most common survey measure of nonreligious self-identification. What is the predictive validity of our current explanations for why people disaffiliate? I advance the current literature using a logistic regression model for no religious affiliation fit on eleven samples from the General Social Survey (1988-2014) to predict respondents’ affiliation in the 2016 and 2018 samples. Results show our explanations can yield a fairly accurate predictive model, but errors are important and informative. The model is more likely to misclassify religiously unaffiliated respondents as affiliated. Analysis using model estimates shows that selection effects into non-affiliation explain differences in political views on culture wars issues. These findings challenge the use of categorical measures for nonreligion alone, because they suggest that measures of “low religion,” rather than “no religion,” are more useful for researchers seeking to overcome survey measurement error in studying this group.


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