Nikolay Raevsky — Russian officer, writer and the white movement researcher

Author(s):  
Oleg Ivanovich Karpukhin

The article is devoted to the personality of Nikolay Alekseevich Raevsky — a historian, researcher, and writer. Raevsky is known mainly as a researcher of A.S. Pushkin’s life and work. His books about the great Russian poet were immensely popular in Soviet times and had a well-deserved recognition among Pushkin scholars. But still unknown is the other life of N.A. Raevsky — an officer of the Tsarist and White armies, who emigrated after the Civil War from Russia as part of the army of General P.N. Wrangel to the territory of Turkey (to Gallipoli), and then to Bulgaria. Then there was Czechoslovakia, Prague, where he completed a course at Charles University and devoted himself to creating works about the fate of the white movement in Russia. The value of these works today lies in the fact that Raevsky focuses on the political miscalculations of the White movement. In his firm conviction, Bolshevism was able to become a well-organized force largely thanks to a system of ideas clearly expressed and conveyed to the masses, which the White movement did not have. In these works, he removes the noble halo from the Civil War and the White movement, showing the true face of any fratricidal massacre. This approach to the Civil War does not fit into the usual cliché of White Guard literature and memoirs. Raevsky comprehends everything that was used by the most worthy, sincere, ardent young Russian people in the pre-revolutionary era, and especially during the Time of Troubles, and also reflects on what kind of future of Russia attracted them. The materials of the article can be used in the framework of training areas related to linguistics, cultural studies, and history.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday Olayinka Alawode ◽  
Olufunke Oluseyi Adesanya

The Nigerian Press in its 156 years of existence from the Reverend Henry Townsend days has been enmeshed in politics and is in fact insoluble from it like Siamese twins. From its debut in November 23rd 1859 with “Iwe Iroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba” (Newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas) the press has taken centre stage in matters affecting all spheres of individual life and collective existence including religion, education, economy and politics among others. Thenewspaper was actually noted to have educated the growing publics about history and politics of the time. The growth in media has given room for political parties to reach larger groups of constituents, and tailor their adverts to reach new demographics. Unlike the campaigns of the past, advances in media have streamlined the process, giving candidates more optionsto reach even larger group of constituents with very little physical efforts. Political advertising is a form of campaign used by political parties to reach and influence voters. It can include several different mediums and span several months over the course of a political campaign and the main aim is to sway the audience one way or the other. Political advertisements involve the use of advertising campaigns by politicians to bring their messages to the masses or the electorates in order to explain policy, inform citizens and connect people to their leaders. It is a form of campaigning by political candidates to reach and influence voters through diverse media (including web based media). Politics on the other hand has to do with activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society. Thus political advertisement in the context of this study are strategically placed information deliberately informing the populace or making public activities or personalities as well as political parties and ideologies in order to get and use power by placing such information in the newspapers. The Punch, The Guardian, Vanguard and Daily Trust were purposively selected for the study investigating prominence of political advertisements featured before, during and after the elections; contents as the pictures, logos, texts, and languages majorly used in the political advertisements; and adversarial or the slants/directions of the March 28th Presidential and April 11th 2015 Assemblies Elections.Content categories include language, logo/icon/symbols, issue/personality/event/activity, visuals/pix, size, colour, political ideology among others. The study reveals that political adverts were prominent in the newspapers during the six-month period with the dominance of full page adverts, mostly inside-page adverts, aspirant-filled pictures, PDP-dominated and coloured adverts, largely favourable and friendly adverts with rational appeal going before testimony appeals. It further shows that Punch closely followed by Guardian had the highest adverts, while PDP and APC dominated the political landscape with low presence of adversarial contents. The study recommends more ethical monitoring of political adverts as well as the de-commodification of newspaper contents.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (29) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Paul Allain

Appropriately, this feature on the Polish theatre group Gardzienice is something of a cultural mix, in which the impressions of an English visitor may be contrasted with the voice of a Polish admirer – and the beliefs of the group itself, expressed in the words of its director, Wlodzimierz Staniewski. In the winter of 1989–90, Paul Allain, a graduate student at Goldsmiths' College, University of London, visited the company at its ‘headquarters’ – which is also, in effect, the small and remote Polish village from which Gardzienice takes its name. This was at a time when the new. Solidarity-led government had yet to be fully felt. Here, Allain describes the training methods and disciplines of the company which, within the context of its physical environment, have come to constitute a lifestyle as much as an approach to theatre. Janusz Majcherek writes rather of the significance of Gardzienice in relation to the ancient and fundamental need for a homeland – a need which, in Staniewski's writings, is related to the company's own hopes and plans. All this material was in our hands well before the upsurge in nationalist feeling which has succeeded the political changes in eastern Europe: and it may be felt to reflect ironically upon alternative ways of ‘returning home’ – on the one hand through the actuality or threat of civil war and the struggle for an elusive slice of the ‘free market’, on the other in that quest for a lost history and inheritance, for healing connections with one's environment, which is reflected theatrically in the work of Gardzienice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Joshua Clover

AbstractThis article departs from Joshua Clover’s historical and theoretical schema that locates riots and strikes within the categories of circulation and production struggles, moving from the categories of capital’s reproduction to the reproduction of the proletariat. Here it offers the commune as the exemplary form of the category of reproduction struggle. The commune is understood not as an intentional community of withdrawal but as something like counter-reproduction, able not just to reproduce itself but to strike at capital as an antagonistic force — striking at the vital exposure of an increasingly circulation-centered capitalism. Crucial examples are encampments against extractive capital such as Standing Rock or the ZAD. The article shows how political sovereignty and economic circulation are entirely entangled, pointing to the ways that social movements have looked upon them as separate domains. Therefore, the commune is a process at the crux of the political and the economic, overcoming the tendency to prefer one or the other. Finally, the article discusses the gendered aspect of the sphere of reproduction that makes possible the double confrontation of counter-reproduction.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alyssa Favreau

In Janelle Monáe’s full-length debut, the science fiction concept album The ArchAndroid, the android Cindi Mayweather is on the run from the authorities for the crime of loving a human. Living in 28th century Metropolis, Cindi fights for survival, soon realizing that she is in fact the prophesied ArchAndroid, a robot messiah meant to liberate the masses and lead them toward a wonderland where all can be free. Taking into account the literary merit of Monáe’s astounding multimedia body of work, the political relevance of the science fictional themes and aesthetics she explores, and her role as an Atlanta-based pop cultural juggernaut, this book explores the lavish world building of Cindi’s story, and the many literary, cinematic, and musical influences brought together to create it. Throughout, a history of Monáe’s move to Atlanta, her signing with Bad Boy Records, and the trials of developing a full-length concept album in an industry devoted to the production of marketable singles can be found, charting the artist’s own rise to power. The stories of Monáe and of Cindi are inextricably entwined, each making the other more compelling, fantastical, and deeply felt.


1956 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 55-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Lloyd-Jones

After a hundred and thirty years of controversy, the interpretation of thePrometheus Boundis still the subject of debate. To the romantic poets of the revolutionary era, the Titan tortured by Zeus for his services to mankind appeared as a symbol of the human spirit in its struggle to throw off the chains which priests and kings had forged for it. But to the distinguished Hellenists who after the fall of Napoleon laid the foundations of the great century of German scholarship, no such naïve and one-sided view of thePrometheusseemed tolerable. It was partly, perhaps, that the political atmosphere discouraged an interpretation adverse to authority; but the other writings of Aeschylus himself seemed to offer strong evidence against this view. Elsewhere in Aeschylus, they could argue, Zeus was treated with profound respect. In theSupplices, he is continually appealed to by the chorus of Danaids, who miss no opportunity to extol the supremacy of his power. Zeus' omnipotence is the burden of a celebrated section of the first chorus of theAgamemnon; although scholars have differed widely in the details of their interpretation of this passage, most are agreed that it expresses theological doctrines that are at once subtle and sublime, and many have discovered profound significance in its puzzling allusions to ‘learning by suffering’ and to aχάριςthat comes to men from the gods. Chiefly upon evidence derived from these two plays, many scholars have credited their author with the invention of a peculiar personal religion, tending to exalt Zeus at the expense of the other members of the Olympic pantheon, and crediting him with the purpose of perfecting men in goodness through the discipline of suffering. Some have gone so far as to detect tendencies to monotheism in Aeschylus. A fair specimen of the usual kind of view is that of Nilsson, who begins by hesitating to pronounce Aeschylus a monotheist; Aeschylus, he warns us, is not a religious innovator preaching a new form of religion, but a profoundly pious poet; but later, he comes dangerously near to this view. The power of Zeus, he argues, is so much magnified that at one point he seems more a principle than a personal god.


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-682
Author(s):  
Elena Fratto

In his pamphlet 5 = 100, published in Knizhnyi ugol in 1922, Boris Eikhenbaum looked back at the first few years of Formalist activity in parallel to the recent social and political upheavals, and compared the deep renovation that the OPOIAZ (Obshchestvo izucheniia poeticheskogo iazyka) circle was bringing about in the field of literary studies to the revolutions that had shaken and transformed the country in 1917. He defined the emergence of the Formal method as a filologicheskaia revoliutsiia. The correlation was not just a seductive metaphor, and not only did it gesture at the principle of the scholar as a public figure—one that the Russian Formalists, with their active participation and transformation of the cultural scene of their city and country, fully embodied. With this essay I aim to unpack Eikhenbaum's concept of filologicheskaia revoliutsiia in its manifold declensions—on the one hand, I will foreground the profound connections between the political turmoil of the late 1910s and the powerful recasting of methods and approaches that the Formalists brought about in the field of cultural studies; on the other, I will highlight the “permanent revolution” that their theories have set in motion by exploring their rich heritage a hundred years after 1917.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Aghajani Kalkhoran Somayeh

The most obvious type of "Other" in War Literature is the enemy which militate against 'self" forces. In fighting with foreign enemy we clearly know the "Other" but in Civil Wars recognition of it is not easy. "Other" in Civil War comes from "Self" forces, "self" turns to "Other" in way sometimes we cannot distinguish between them. The identity of this "Other" is in border; sometimes is "Self" and sometimes is the "Other" during the novel. This research is done to answer to this question: Is enemy as an "Other" different and variable in war novels? Is the process of making "Other" is different in militating with internal and external enemy? This survey uses the theories of Cultural Studies about representation of "Other" and "Self" in studying the novel of L'Espoir (The Hope) written by Andre Malraux which is about the Civil War of Spain. The study shows that how and in which process during the novel, "Self" and the "Other" turn to each other. It represents in comparison with novels about war between two foreign enemy and country, the enemy is the "Other" throughout the story, in the most Civil War novels such as L'Espoir (The Hope), because of the same nation, in somewhere the distinguishing border between "Self" and the "Other" becomes defaced so in some cases there is a doubt including enemy as the "Other".


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Stanley Edebiri Egharevba ◽  
Friday Osaru Ovenseri-Ogbomo

Nigeria is endowed with vast human and material resources to engender development but it still continues to luxuriate within the confines of a top speed in reverse to oblivion. As its relics, neocolonialism has given birth to industrialization, urbanization and militarization of the political process which generally has created “sudden billionaires” on one end of the ladder (elected or appointed public officials) and extremely poor masses (unemployed graduates and depressed masses) at the other end of the ladder. This paper basically exposes the developmental retrogressive outlooks of the masses due to primitive capitalist accumulation by the few elites who have piloted the affairs of the nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 857-873
Author(s):  
Marie Moran ◽  
Jo Littler

This article unpacks the concept of ‘cultural populism’ in multiple ways, and explores its value for the critical analysis of new formations and expressions of populism in the current conjuncture. Taking Jim McGuigan’s influential book, Cultural Populism, as our point of departure, we begin by exploring its earlier use in cultural studies as a critical term for apolitical/celebratory modes of analysis, and then argue it may be usefully extended today to refer to popular and political efforts to construct a ‘people’ in overtly cultural terms. Second, we make the case for renewing an expressly ‘critical populist’ stance, one that is attentive to ordinary tastes and pleasures, while also locating and analysing them in relation to the production of needs and desires within a capitalist political economy, and that is attuned to the political possibilities for change. Third, we argue that the resources of cultural studies should be mobilised to redress some of the deficiencies of dominant accounts of populism from political science, and suggest that the twin concepts of cultural and critical populism offer an advance over the elitist and culturally reductive mode of analysis associated with Inglehart and Norris’ conception of ‘cultural backlash’. We conclude by offering an overview of the other contributions to the special issue, as they seek to push the concept of cultural populism in new directions, while also critically engaging with residual, dominant and emergent popular and populist currents in these new populist times.


2021 ◽  
pp. 116-138
Author(s):  
E. O. Shatsky

An allusive proper name is one of the traditional artistic devices of the Russian classics. The author examines Sholokhov's prose to find nearly a dozen names with reference to various Chekhov short stories. In most cases, there is no similarity between the characters' destinies, but the sheer ubiquity of Chekhov-inspired names can be considered as an homage to the master. On the other hand, the allusive names that Sholokhov consistently borrows from The Cherry Orchard [Vishnyoviy sad] are indicative of plot parallels between Sholokhov's novels and Chekhov's play. Notably, Sholokhov uses allusive proper names as a means of generalisation and typification of characters, from the bulwark of traditional morality, the Cossack woman Natalia Stepanovna, the ‘Russian Lucretia,' to the evercheerful soldier Lopakhin, to the family of Mikhail and Dunyasha Koshevoy as a symbol of recovery of the nation divided by the civil war, to the Gaev family as a premonition of the fate awaiting peasant Russia. Such allusions allow for treatment of Sholokhov's novels as a trilogy about the tragedies of the Russian people in the first half of the 20th c.


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