Riot, Strike, Commune: Gendering a Civil War

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Joshua Clover
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intentional Community ◽  
Political Sovereignty

AbstractThis article departs from Joshua Clover’s historical and theoretical schema that locates riots and strikes within the categories of circulation and production struggles, moving from the categories of capital’s reproduction to the reproduction of the proletariat. Here it offers the commune as the exemplary form of the category of reproduction struggle. The commune is understood not as an intentional community of withdrawal but as something like counter-reproduction, able not just to reproduce itself but to strike at capital as an antagonistic force — striking at the vital exposure of an increasingly circulation-centered capitalism. Crucial examples are encampments against extractive capital such as Standing Rock or the ZAD. The article shows how political sovereignty and economic circulation are entirely entangled, pointing to the ways that social movements have looked upon them as separate domains. Therefore, the commune is a process at the crux of the political and the economic, overcoming the tendency to prefer one or the other. Finally, the article discusses the gendered aspect of the sphere of reproduction that makes possible the double confrontation of counter-reproduction.

scholarly journals ISYU KETUANAN MELAYU DI MALAYSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amri Marzali
Keyword(s):  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
Dutch Language ◽  
Malaysian Chinese ◽  
Member Of Parliament

Ketuanan Melayu” is a conception of Malay political hegemony in Malaysia. The terminology was firstly introduced by a member of Parliament of Malaysia from the United Malay National Organization, namely Dato’ Abdullah Ahmad, in a speech offered at the Institute of Intenational Affairs, Singapura, Agustus 30, 1986. The speech was originally  aimed at countering the negative propaganda proposed by the Malaysian Indian and the Malaysian Chinese, who accused that the special socio-political privileges given to the indigenous Malaysian peoples in the Malaysia’s Constitution (partaicularly in article 153) and the affirmative discriminative New Economic Policy of 1971 have been a servere strategy to condemn the Indian and Chinese Malaysians. On the other hand, the Malays in Malaysia traced the idea of Malay political hegemony from the political situation in the period of Malay kingdom of Melaka in the 15th century. They considered the period of Melaka as the golden age of Malay political sovereignty in Selat Melaka. When Melaka was occupied by the Portuegese in the 16th century, and followed by the Dutch in the 17-18th centuries, the political sovereignty of the Malays in the Malaysian Peninsula was carried on by the newly subsequent Malay kingdoms, such as Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, and others. In this article, I proposed that what is now called Malay political hegemony could be compared to what was called beschikkingsrecht in Dutch language, in the colonial period of Indonesia. This terminology was introduced by an adat law scholar, van Vollenhoven, in 1905, referring to the sovereignty of the native peoples in Malay Archipelago over their land and political state. Lastly I find the debate on the Malay political hegemony in Malaysia recently, whether between the natives versus the immigrants, or between the ruling Malays versus the opposition Malays, are pertaining with 6 articles in the Constitution and Act of Malaysian Armforce of 1972. This set of rules is knownly called Wasiat Raja-raja Melayu (The Wasiat of the Malay Sultans). Therefore, I conclude, the Malay political hegemony is constitutionalized, thus it is unnecessary for the Malays to boasting it anymore. The real problems of the Malay political hegemony now in Malaysia rests on the way it has been implemented by the Malaysian government.

Gardzienice: a Village, a Theatre, and a Cultural Crossroads

1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (29) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Paul Allain
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Graduate Student ◽  
Physical Environment ◽  
Free Market ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Training Methods ◽  
The One ◽  
The Voice

Appropriately, this feature on the Polish theatre group Gardzienice is something of a cultural mix, in which the impressions of an English visitor may be contrasted with the voice of a Polish admirer – and the beliefs of the group itself, expressed in the words of its director, Wlodzimierz Staniewski. In the winter of 1989–90, Paul Allain, a graduate student at Goldsmiths' College, University of London, visited the company at its ‘headquarters’ – which is also, in effect, the small and remote Polish village from which Gardzienice takes its name. This was at a time when the new. Solidarity-led government had yet to be fully felt. Here, Allain describes the training methods and disciplines of the company which, within the context of its physical environment, have come to constitute a lifestyle as much as an approach to theatre. Janusz Majcherek writes rather of the significance of Gardzienice in relation to the ancient and fundamental need for a homeland – a need which, in Staniewski's writings, is related to the company's own hopes and plans. All this material was in our hands well before the upsurge in nationalist feeling which has succeeded the political changes in eastern Europe: and it may be felt to reflect ironically upon alternative ways of ‘returning home’ – on the one hand through the actuality or threat of civil war and the struggle for an elusive slice of the ‘free market’, on the other in that quest for a lost history and inheritance, for healing connections with one's environment, which is reflected theatrically in the work of Gardzienice.

scholarly journals “¡Se Va a Caer, Se Va a Caer!” (It´s Going to Fall, It´s Going to Fall!): The Power of Marxist Feminism for a Political Critique of Patriarchal Capitalism

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Fidel Azarian
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Political Critique

In this paper, we are interested in recovering some current reflections on the possible articulations between marxism and feminism: on one hand, from the theoretical concern for the particular forms of exploitation of women and the LGTBQ comunity within the frame of a neoliberal global hegemony that acquires a new intensity in Latin America, on the other, from the political commitment to the feminisms and activisms of sex-gender dissidence, social movements that in recent times have achieved a surprising political and social mobilization, articulating diverse demands and heterogeneous resistance practices, constituting a powerful laboratory of political experimentation. While these political and intellectual strategies could be read as particular, scattered, fragmentary or discontinuous criticisms, their power lies in their ability to update and articulate historical content and marginalized political languages, disqualified, discarded by the neoliberal-neoconservative hegemony. The purpose of this paper is to analyze and put into discussion these practices of resistance -its legacies and challenges-, not only from the political creativity that they bring to the scene, but also from their constitutive heterogeneity. Our proposal seeks to recover the diversity and complexity of political languages, politicizing ways of subjectivation, emancipatory imaginaries and resistance practices of feminist activism and sex-gender dissidence that have multiplied in Argentina in recent times.

Nikolay Raevsky — Russian officer, writer and the white movement researcher

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg Ivanovich Karpukhin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Russian People ◽  
Time Of Troubles ◽  
The Masses

The article is devoted to the personality of Nikolay Alekseevich Raevsky — a historian, researcher, and writer. Raevsky is known mainly as a researcher of A.S. Pushkin’s life and work. His books about the great Russian poet were immensely popular in Soviet times and had a well-deserved recognition among Pushkin scholars. But still unknown is the other life of N.A. Raevsky — an officer of the Tsarist and White armies, who emigrated after the Civil War from Russia as part of the army of General P.N. Wrangel to the territory of Turkey (to Gallipoli), and then to Bulgaria. Then there was Czechoslovakia, Prague, where he completed a course at Charles University and devoted himself to creating works about the fate of the white movement in Russia. The value of these works today lies in the fact that Raevsky focuses on the political miscalculations of the White movement. In his firm conviction, Bolshevism was able to become a well-organized force largely thanks to a system of ideas clearly expressed and conveyed to the masses, which the White movement did not have. In these works, he removes the noble halo from the Civil War and the White movement, showing the true face of any fratricidal massacre. This approach to the Civil War does not fit into the usual cliché of White Guard literature and memoirs. Raevsky comprehends everything that was used by the most worthy, sincere, ardent young Russian people in the pre-revolutionary era, and especially during the Time of Troubles, and also reflects on what kind of future of Russia attracted them. The materials of the article can be used in the framework of training areas related to linguistics, cultural studies, and history.

Queer subjectivities within political scenes: Traumatic relations, exposed vulnerabilities

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
Soula Marinoudi
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Life Forms ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Other ◽  
Radical Feminism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Scene

This article examines the lives of queer people as performed in the biographies of ten interlocutors who participated in the queer political scene during the decade 2000–10. In recent years, a wide range of queer/feminist subjectivities, groups and spaces have emerged within collective social movements in Greece. These new approaches to radical feminism and queer life-forms often convey a sense of discontinuity with the recent past, as queer voices have been marginalized in the anti-authoritarian and the radical leftist political scene until recently. I argue that the anti-authoritarian and leftist political space in and around the various social grassroots movements constituted – in their own right – disciplinary fields as well as gender-constructing mechanisms. Gendered subjectivities, either entirely excluded or included on restrictive terms, exposed the limits of the political body. In this article, I explore how these new queer contexts can work through the traumas out of which they have emerged, and I argue that the emergence of a queer political scene in Greece signals a shift from passionate attachments to new modes of relationality. These new modes of relating expose vulnerabilities and emerge as negotiations of intimacy between the self and the other.

The Greek Gloom and the December 2008 Uprising

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 127-141
Author(s):  
Ioulia Mermigka
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Global Capital ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
Society Of The Spectacle ◽  
Pragmatic Analysis ◽  
War Machine ◽  
Insight Into

This paper employs the notion of apparatus of capture in the context of the historical formation and transformations of the Greek nation state. The aim is to demystify the overcoding poles of political sovereignty as they are expressed in different chronological periods and to sketch an analysis of the appropriations of social living forms, social movements and war machines into regimes of signs. The term war machine is deployed as a key term for grasping the variables of content and the variables of expression that are encountered in the different historical circumstances. The order word modernisation illustrates not only the machinic enslavement but also new social subjections within a society of the spectacle and global capital. The account given here of the December 2008 uprising in Greece offers an insight into the political event and attempts a pragmatic analysis of the December war machine.

Revolution and Emotions: Toward a Reinterpretation of the Political Events of 1914–1917

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 196-230
Author(s):  
Vladimir Prokhorovich Buldakov
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Journalism ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

V.P. Buldakov explores the emotional overheating in the Russian Empire, but also of the entire European cultural milieu during the era of Great War, Revolution, Civil War and beyond. Exploring a wide range of sources, archival, philosophical, literary, journalism, epistolary, memoirs and diaries, he calls for a new (socio)-psychological history of the Russian Revolution that integrates the irrational, the energy of negation, impulsiveness, atavisms and aggression and the importance of myth and rumor- in other words the full panoply of the emotions as manifested in social movements and politics.

Multiple Otherness: Identity Politics in the Taiping Civil War

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-231
Author(s):  
Huan Jin
Keyword(s):  
Short Stories ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
Cultural Implications ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
Qing Government

Abstract During and after the Taiping Civil War (1851–64), the notion of the Other was implicated in the provocation and mediation of violence and, as a result, acquired a multitude of new meanings and manifestations. Focusing on the discourse surrounding the Taiping War, this article explores the multiple political, moral, and cultural implications embedded in the idea of otherness. Unpacking the propaganda discourse of both the Taiping rebels and the Qing government, the author investigates the making of the political enemy by opposing regimes. In particular, the construction of a religious and political enemy is vital to Taiping identity formation. The author focuses on marginal figures in historical and fictional accounts who traverse political boundaries and constitute a third category beyond demarcations of “us” and Other in Taiping propaganda and its Qing counterpart. In short stories, however, these figures are subject to moral judgment and thus subsumed under another form of normative narrative involving otherness. Only in the realm of fantasy and imagination are political and moral efforts to construct and modulate otherness finally called into question. This article explores the acute malleability of the Other during the violent and chaotic Taiping Civil War and in its aftermath.

The Spanish indignados: A movement with two souls

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Taibo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Alternative Social Movements

The Spanish indignados movement has forcefully erupted onto the political landscape of the country. Two different souls can be found at its core: one attached to activists from alternative social movements, the other emerging around the ‘young indignados’. In general terms, a drift can be found within the movement from merely citizenist positions towards others which are more clearly anticapitalist.

Emerging Islamic-Confucian Axis in the Virtual Ummah: Connectivity and Constraint in the Contemporary China

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 137-155
Author(s):  
Wai-Yip Ho
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
The West ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
State Surveillance ◽  
The One

The key concept of this article is that while the predominant focus of the rise of cyber Islamic environments (CIEs) has been on the Middle East and the West, there exists a neglected but emerging trend of the Chinese-speaking Islamic websites in the midst of growing autonomy of civil social movements as well as the state surveillance. Among the ten Muslim nationalities in China, I first surveys the general situations of the cyber environments in China, in which the Hui Islamic websites embedded, and then go on to explore the development and features of some representative Hui Islamic websites. This article illustrates the challenge for Chinese CIEs is to resolve the identity politics, on the one hand demonstrating the political loyalty to the sovereign power of People’s Republic of China (PRC) and identifying the global ummah in terms of transborder religious solidarity on the other hand.

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