scholarly journals The Historical Facts about Hate Crime in America The Social Worker’s Role in Victim Recovery and Community Restoration

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Kaplan ◽  
Marian M. Inguanzo

Author(s):  
Karen Corteen

Female sex worker victim characteristics and their social, situational and interactive contexts have not substantially changed. Yet, the manner in which female sex worker victimisation is currently understood has changed in some quarters. This chapter documents the unusual inclusion of female sex workers into Merseyside police hate crime policy and practice. Given that female sex workers embody a ‘non-ideal’ victim identity the focus here is to consider what this development may mean for Christie’s (1986) ‘ideal victim’ thesis. In so doing the role (or lack of) emotion and compassion will be discussed. The chapter concludes that victims and victimisation have been reimagined and new victimisations have arisen. However, with regard to hate crime, and the social construction of, and criminal justice responses to the victimisation of female sex workers Christie’s ‘ideal victim’ thesis remains contemporarily relevant and predominantly intact.



Author(s):  
Amy L. Brandzel

This chapter examines the violent maintenance of citizenship through the police state, and the uses of hate crime legislation to both name and disallow any recognition of this violence. The intervention into how we understand citizenship to be violently organized functions at two interconnected levels, that is, at the structural level of state violence, and at the social level of identity categories. At the level of the state, hate crime legislation offers us important information on how the violence of citizenship is managed, controlled, and directed. At the structural level of the state, the chapter adds to left critiques of hate crime legislation by unpacking how these laws are used to create a dangerous discontinuum, in which hate crimes are marked as individualized errors, while police brutality is systemically assuaged. By examining the machinations of hate crime legislation at these two levels, it is argued that hate crime legislation works, simultaneously, to recognize and deny: (1) the violence of citizenship; and (2) the fear that the oppressed will seek revenge and retaliate for this experience by using violence themselves.



Author(s):  
Marion M Turner ◽  
Simon P. Funge ◽  
Wesley J Gabbard

Homeless individuals are particularly vulnerable to victimization, sometimes resulting in fatalities. Theories of victimization prove useful to understanding the risks inherent in being homeless as well as the public’s perception of the homeless population. Problematically, public policy that criminalizes this population may exacerbate the victimization of this group. Municipalities have turned to law enforcement and the criminal justice system to respond to people living in public spaces. Programs that ensure adequate income, affordable housing, and supportive services to prevent homelessness and address the needs of those who are homeless are essential. In addition, increased law enforcement training and the implementation of legislation to include homeless persons as a protected class in hate crime statutes is needed. In effect, these interventions focus on reducing the risks associated with being homelessness—in turn reducing the risk of their further victimization. Social workers are both uniquely positioned and ethically obligated to support these efforts and contribute to the social inclusion of people who are homeless or at risk of becoming homeless.



Author(s):  
Steve Case ◽  
Phil Johnson ◽  
David Manlow ◽  
Roger Smith ◽  
Kate Williams

This chapter examines how different types of criminological evidence related to victimology and hate crime can influence policy-making processes. It first considers how non-governmental organisations and pressure groups collate and analyse data on crime-related issues before discussing the changing role of the victim in criminal justice processes. It then explains why some victims of crime are regarded as being more ‘deserving’ than others and how this relates to broader issues of power; distinguishes between positivist and radical/critical approaches to victimology; and assesses the main features of hate crime, with emphasis on the need for hate crime legislation. It also describes forms of hate crime as well as the social and political issues underlying both public and policy responses to the affected groups. Finally, it analyses the broader notions of structural inequalities which are at the heart of a critical victimology in relationship to the concept of hate crime.



2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jace L. Valcore ◽  
Mary Dodge

Supporters of hate crime legislation argue the laws are a positive development designed to promote social equality and encourage political participation. Critics claim the laws are patronizing and disempowering. Existing research addresses neither the impact of hate crime laws on designated social groups nor attempts to verify assumptions about legislation and the social and political status of protected minorities. Sexual orientation, one of the most controversial categories, resulted in considerable social and political debate. This research explores the addition of sexual orientation to state hate crime law and how inclusion of this target group affects the social construction of gays and lesbians. Data are drawn from a sample of 12 daily newspapers in six states. Content and time-series analyses were used to explore social construction. The results indicate that inclusion in hate crime protections fails to have a positive impact on the construction of the group, and the discussion offers important policy implications.



2021 ◽  
pp. 026101832110634
Author(s):  
Liam Concannon

Ireland has been applauded internationally for its legislative progress in supporting the rights of (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) LGBT+ citizens. Yet much of the positive change within the social and political context of sexuality and gender expression has been achieved by campaign groups, operating outside government boundaries. Notwithstanding these advances, LGBT+ people continue to face discrimination, abuse and violence. Concerns surrounding acts of aggression towards transgender and gay people call for an ongoing dialogue between legislators, policymakers, and practitioners to explore ways in which safety can be ensured. This article draws from an emerging body of scholarship and research to question the effectiveness of current social policy and legislation in Ireland. It offers a discourse on hate crime related to transphobia and homophobia, while challenging the existing political thinking. Multi-agency collaborative working is suggested as key to fostering solutions together with changes in legal paradigms, and the continued formation of policy aimed at safeguarding the LGBT+ community.



Author(s):  
Petra Bárd

Abstract Hate crimes poison societies by threatening individual rights, human dignity and equality. They effect private lives, or even victims’ life and limb. Due to their ripple effect, they terrify whole communities, reinforce tensions between social groups, ultimately jeopardising peaceful coexistence. No society is immune from the signs of hatred, but whether they get tamed or whether prejudices are deepened, depends on the social measures that are applied vis-à-vis the phenomenon. The state’s reaction creates norms and will informs society about the current acceptable standards. European expectations help forming these. Standards developed by the European Court of Human Rights include the obligations to ensure that hate against social groups as a motivation is considered an aggravating circumstance or leads to penalty enhancement. States must also ensure that national investigation authorities show special vigilance to explore and unmask the bias motives behind hate crimes. Such European expectations still leave a wide room of manoeuvre to respond to hate crimes efficiently and dissuasively. But irrespectively of the national codification method, for legal provisions to reach the desired outcome, certain social preconditions must be met. For hate crime laws or provisions to work, states must reach a certain level of maturity from the viewpoint of democracy, fundamental rights in general and the rule of law, where guaranteeing judicial independence is an absolute minimum.



2020 ◽  
pp. 215336872093366
Author(s):  
Gail Mason

The Blue Lives Matter movement began in 2014 as a rejoinder to accusations of police racism in the United States. Blue Lives Matter advocates for the expansion of hate crime statutes to include police and other first responders as protected victim categories. Four US states have enacted such reforms: Louisiana, Kentucky, Mississippi and Texas. With some minor exceptions, this is the first time that hate crime laws have been extended to a victim category that represents an authoritative arm of the state. This article examines the social significance of these laws. Drawing on the results of a critical discourse analysis of legislative debates surrounding the enactment and attempted enactment of blue hate crime laws, the article argues that these laws pit police and Black citizens against each other. In situating new legal protections for police within hate crime statutes, blue reforms contain an implicit attempt to reframe the history of police brutality toward Black Americans by claiming that police are a subjugated and targeted minority at the hands of a Black community of dangerous and biased perpetrators: a new black/blue relation of power.



2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mina Cikara ◽  
Vasiliki Fouka ◽  
Marco Tabellini

People are on the move in unprecedented numbers across the globe. How does migration affect local intergroup dynamics? In contrast to accounts that emphasize stereotypical features of groups as determinants of their treatment, we propose the social group reference dependence hypothesis: violence and negative attitudes toward each minoritized group will depend on the number and size of other minoritized groups in a community. Specifically, as groups increase in rank in their relative size (e.g., to largest minority within a community), discriminatory behavior and attitudes toward them should increase accordingly. We test this hypothesis across U.S. counties between 1990 and 2010. Consistent with this prediction we find that, as Black, Hispanic/Latinx, Asian, and Arab populations increase in rank relative to one another, they become more likely to be targeted with hate crimes and more negative attitudes. The rank effect holds above and beyond group size/proportion, growth rate, and a number of other alternative explanations. This framework makes novel predictions about how demographic shifts may affect coalitional structures in the coming years and helps explain previous findings in the literature. More broadly, our results complement the existing literature by indicating that attitudes and behaviors toward social categories are not fixed or driven only by features associated with those groups, such as stereotypes.



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