scholarly journals A Critique of Gender Roles in Mahesh Dattani’s Dance Like a Man

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-45
Author(s):  
B Ajmi

Bharatanatyam is an ancient Indian classical dance form that originated from Tamil Nadu. It was performed by devadasis (prostitutes) in royal courts in the early period. Later, the elite Indian class separates it from devadasis and makes it more like a commodity. A man’s passion towards such kind of an art form creates commotion in a patriarchal society. His manhood is questioned and he is considered as inferior to the exaggerated version of masculinity. The breaking of particular roles which are destined to each gender in a society leads to tension within the patriarchy. Mahesh Dattani’s play Dance Like a Man explores themes like gender discrimination, stereotyping, gender roles and identity crisis. In reality, the problems of men due to gender discrimination is not discussed effectively. This play tries to give a clear picture of a male victim of gender discrimination through Jairaj’s character. The current research explores the problems in reversing gender roles, question on masculinity and involvement of society in carrying gender stereotypes as portrayed in Dance Like a Man.

SYNERGY ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marinescu Angelica ◽  

One of the most controversial discussions in the contemporary Indian arts environment remains the connection of the post-colonial classical dance practice with the DevadƗsƯ or the MaharƯ, the temple dancing girls. Born in the Early Medieval India, amidst and in close connection to the Bhakti and the Tantric movements, abiding in the temple institution, the so-called ‘DevadƗsƯ temple system’ remains a mystery, between awe and fascination to the nowadays practitioner and connaisseur of Indian arts. While tracing back the socio-religious contexts that brought the temple dancers on the foremost place of the stage of Indian art history, the author looks for the understanding of this myth in the imaginary and the reality of contemporary practitioners, from the perspective of a foreigner researcher-cum-practitioner of an Indian art form. The paper is based on consulting the existing literary sources concerning the DevadƗsƯ system, and the research is focusing on the nowadays classical dance practitioners’ imaginary (re)construction(s) of this system. Till today, here she stands, the woman-as-dance practitioner, either Indian or from any other part of the world, at the cross-road of all myths, imaginarily rooted in the past, but living all the aspirations of the nowadays social, cultural, religious, political dynamics, neither celestial maiden, nor sacred prostitute.


Author(s):  
Samson M. Makone ◽  
Naphis M. Bitange ◽  
Nathan O. Soire ◽  
Eveline A. Odero

<div><p><em>Men and women perform different roles within the household and in agricultural sector. However, women’s roles are more strenuous and more pronounced and they work extra hours in providing the much needed labour on the tea farms than the men counterpart. But in spite of women’s much involvement in agricultural sector, they undergo discrimination in all aspects not only related to land ownership but also kept out when it comes to control and access to the benefits accrued from tea farming. This study therefore sought to determine gender roles in tea production in Embu and Murang’a counties and also to assess the accessibility and control over the benefits accrued from tea farming by gender. Stratified random sampling; simple random sampling and Purposive sampling techniques were used to sample 276 respondents from estimated target population of </em><em>18,000 tea growers from the two counties under study. </em><em>The study established that women perform more roles in tea plantation than their male counterparts. The findings clearly demonstrated that the most tedious and difficult roles that took long hours to accomplish were assigned to the women for instance, the plucking of tea, taking green leaves to the buying centre and collecting/receiving pay slips from the factory or buying centre was majorly done by the women but it’s men who goes to the bank to earn bonus and monthly payments for the work didn’t participate and also  attending annual general meetings (AGMs) or any meetings at the factory or buying centre and even organized educational forums and surveys since they knew that at the end of it they would either receive certificate of participation and more importantly sitting allowance. The finding further revealed that, men were assigned themselves roles that lighter duties that might require bit of skills such as pruning of tea bushes and nursery establishment. On the other hand women are unable to attend the forums or meetings because of numerous roles waiting for them ranging from household chores to agricultural production. Although conflicts have been in arise over the control of proceeds of tea sales because men receive the benefits and women who worked for them do not seem to benefit much, this gender discrimination had negatively affected tea production and by extension resulted in decline of tea yields and neglected tea bush. This study recommends that Kenya tea development agency to increase its sensitization forums and conducts regular workshops to educate the tea growers on gender balance in regards to distribution of proceeds from tea sales, access to and control over tea benefits. This could not only help to empower and motivate women but also demystify the gender stereotypes that men have about women and therefore eliminate gender discrimination in tea growing communities.</em></p></div>


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-289
Author(s):  
Katherine C. Zubko

Within the Indian classical dance style of bharatanāṭyam, performers traditionally embody the stories of Hindu gods and goddesses. This paper discusses selected examples of how Christian themes have been incorporated into the art form by both Hindu and non-Hindu participants, including the adaptation of the aesthetics of the nāyikā, a female heroine yearning for her absent beloved. In an extended case study, I examine the presentation of one such unique nāyikā, a Christian Indian woman who contracts HIV from her husband, in particular demonstrating how various gesture sequences draw upon the recognizable, empathetic foundation of the suffering heroine to depict the realities of the illness of HIV. The despair and pain of the nāyikā, and the role of a sakhī as sympathetic doctor, invite audiences into a familiar aesthetic framework that also creates receptivity towards a significant social critique.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-206
Author(s):  
Lavanya P Kumar ◽  
Shruti J Shenoy

BACKGROUND: Bharatanatyam is an Indian classical dance form that is practiced globally. There is limited information about the prevalence of injuries in Bharatanatyam dancers. OBJECTIVES: To investigate the prevalence of musculoskeletal injuries and specifics of dance training in female Bharatanatyam dancers in the Udupi district of India. METHODS: We developed and tested a survey for Bharatanatyam dancers regarding injury history in the prior year, including location, time loss, cause, and need for medical help. We also obtained demographic and training information. RESULTS: 101 dancers completed the survey. 10.8% of dancers reported musculoskeletal injuries because of participation in dance. They sustained 0.65 injuries/1,000 hours of dancing. The most frequently injured areas were ankle (27.2%) and knee (27.2%) followed by lower back (13.6%) and hip (9%). Despite being injured, 36.4% of the dancers continued to dance. 54.5% of the injured dancers sought the help of a medical professional for their dance-related injuries. The most common surface for dance was concrete followed by other hard surfaces such as marble and tile. CONCLUSION: Female Bharatanatyam dancers are prone to injuries of the lower extremity and back. Most dancers in our study practice the Pandanalluru style on hard surfaces. There is a need to investigate the impact of training factors on the injury occurrence.


JOGED ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Agus Yulianti

Tari Ganjur merupakan kesenian yang berbentuk ritual dalam sebuah upacara adat yaitu Upacara Erau adat Kutai Kartanegara Ing Martadipura, yang dilestarikan oleh masyarakat kota Tenggarong, kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara, Kalimantan Timur.Tari Ganjur merupakan tarian Klasik yang dimiliki oleh Kesultanan Kutai Kartanegara Ing Martadipura dalam bentuk koreografi kelompok, karena dapat dilihat dari bentuk pertunjukan tari ganjur yang ditarikan oleh empat penari laik-laki. Di dalam tari Ganjur menggunakan sebuah properti Gada yang biasa disebut dengan ganjur. Tari Ganjur menggambarkan seorang pangeran yang sedang menjaga keamanan tiang ayu agar pada saat acara Bepelas Sultan tidak diganggu oleh roh-roh jahat. Tari Ganjur mengenakan busana atasan miskat sedangkan bawahannya mengenakan celana panjang berwarna hitam dipadukan dengan sarung Samarinda. Rias penari menggunakan rias natural, serta iringan tari menggunakan seperangkat alat gamelan Kutai.Dalam hal ini yang menjadi pokok permasalahan adalah analisis koreografi tari Ganjur pada Upacara Erau Adat Kutai Kartanegara Ing Martadipura. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, maka akan meminjam teori Y. Sumandiyo Hadi mengenai Koreografi Bentuk-Teknik-Isi. Menurut Y. Sumandiyo Hadi ketiga konsep bentuk, teknik, dan isi ini tidak dapat dipisahkan dalam sebuah pertunjukan tari. Dalam penelitian ini tari Ganjur pada Upacara Erau Adat Kutai Kartanegara Ing Martadipura dapat ditinjau dari aspek bentuk, teknik, dan isi. Aspek bentuk tari Ganjur terbagi menjadi tiga bagian, pembagian ini terlihat dari perpindahan iringan musiknya. Aspek teknik gerak tari Ganjur terdapat kesamaan dengan gerak tari Klasik yang ada di Surakarta dan Yogyakarta. Aspek isi tari Ganjur bertemakan keamanan yang bertujuan untuk menjaga keamanan daerah sekeliling Tiang Ayu. Kehadiran tari Ganjur dalam upacara Erau adat Kutai Kartanegara Ing Martadipura sangat berperan penting dalam acara bepelas sultan, karena kehadirannya diperuntukan menurunkan Pangeran Sri Ganjur untuk menjaga keamanan tiang ayu dari roh-roh jahat, dan kehadirannya selalu ada pada malam Bepelas Sultan.  Ganjur dance is a ritual art form in a traditional ceremony that is customary Erau ceremony Kutai Ing Martadipura, preserved by the people of Tenggarong city, district, Kutai, East Borneo. Ganjur dance a classical dance that is owned by the Sultanate of Kutai Ing Martadipura in the form of choreography Group, because it can be seen from the form of dance performances ganjur danced by four male-male dancers. In Ganjur dance uses a property called Gada commonly called ganjur. Ganjur Dance depicts a prince who is guarding the security pole so that at the time of the Sultan Bepelas event is not disturbed by evil spirits. Ganjur Dance wearing a clothing top miskat while his subordinates dressed in black trousers combined with sarong Samarinda. The dancers makeup using natural makeup, dance accompaniment using a set of Kutai gamelan instruments.In this case an issue of concern is the analysis of dance choreography Ganjur Ceremony Indigenous Erau Martadipura Kutai Ing. To answer these problems, it will borrow Y. Sumandiyo Hadi theory regarding Choreography Form-Fill-technique. According to Y. Sumandiyo Hadi these three concepts of form, technique, and content can not be separated in a dance performance. In this study dance Ganjur Ceremony Indigenous Erau Kutai Ing Martadipura can be viewed from the aspect of forms, techniques, and content. Aspects of dance form Ganjur is divided into three parts, this division is seen from the transfer of musical accompaniment. Techniques of motion dance movement Ganjur there are similarities with Classical dance movement in Surakarta and Yogyakarta. Aspects of dance contents Ganjur themed security that aims to maintain the security of the surrounding area Tiang Ayu. The presence of dance in the ceremony Ganjur custom Erau Kutai Ing Martadipura very important role in the event bepelas sultan, because his presence is intended to lower the Prince Sri Ganjur to maintain the security of ayu pole of evil spirits, and his presence is always there at night Bepelas Sultan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 399-410
Author(s):  
Hitesh N. Jagani ◽  
Nasheman Bandookwala

Gender discrimination has been persistent across globe and it is more identified in terms of wage differential. Such discrimination is more striking in developing countries and further more among social groups. Though many countries have passed minimum wage laws and laws mandating equal treatment of women at workplace, gender wage differential remains a perennial feature of labor markets across globe. Among BRIC nation India depicts highest wage discrimination between sexes (Rema Nagarajan TNN March 2011). This fact was reveled also in the Global Gender Gap Report of 2010 as well. The recent survey by the World Economic Forum (WEF) points out the Indian situation, ranking India among the bottom 10 countries in the world in terms of women’s participation in the economy. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2020 says Of the 153 countries studied in the report, India ranks 112th on the overall Global Gender Gap Index with the index value of (0.068). The overall gender gap as though has narrowed the pay gaps have widen and it will take 257 more years i.e by year 2257 pay equity will be established. India has shown disappointing performance in women work participation rate (WPR), pushing the country among the bottom 10 countries on the WEF list. The country ranks 149th among 153 countries in economic participation. Overall, in terms of gender equality India achieves a score of 59.4%, but in terms of economic participation and opportunity, it scores 39.8% which is dismal. The present study is an attempt to analyze the wage differential across selected states of India. The wages for agriculture and non agriculture workers for sexes is considered. The attempt has been made to evaluate wage differential across selected states of India and inequality therein has been calculated. The descriptive statistical tools like arithmetic mean and standard deviation has been used to ameliorate understanding. The pay parity Index has also been calculated The overall observation from the study widens understanding about pay pattern in India – and discriminating dimension therein. Across occupation unequal pay prevails in regards to sexes with males being paid more than women for the equal jobs. Disparity among agricultural Towards Excellence: An Indexed, Refereed & Peer Reviewed Journal of Higher Education / Dr. Hitesh Jagani & Dr. Nasheman Bandookwala / Page 399-410 March, 2021. VOL.13. ISSUE NO. 1 https://hrdc.gujaratuniversity.ac.in/Publication Page | 400 workers is highest at Kerala- female agricultural workers are paid 29% less than males. On other hand in Himachal Pradesh male agricultural worker is paid 5% less than females. For non agricultural workers Tamil Nadu exhibits high incidence of inequality with female workers being paid 32% less than males. Gujarat comparatively depicts a better scenario with average female payments being more in non agricultural sector as though in agriculture sector disparity prevails.


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