scholarly journals Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy

1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Omar Khalidi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central America ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
South African ◽  
Asian Indian ◽  
Arab Americans ◽  
Major Conclusion ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Jewish Americans

Collections of essays or articles do not often get reviewed in scholarlyjournals. One reason why these books are bypassed by reviewers is the absenceof a running theme in the volumes. The book under review fortunately doeshave a connecting theme: the efforts of various ethnic Americans to influenceforeign policy on behalf of countries or commuruties. The examples mostfamiliar to political scientists are those of Jewish Americans for Israel andAfro-Americans for South African Blacks. Three contributors focus on theMiddle East, two on central America, and one each on South Africa, PoJand,and Ireland. The major conclusion of the book seems to be that cohesiveethnic groups canvassing on behalf of single countries (Jews for Israel) arelikely to be most successful, whereas Arab Americans or Blacks trying toinfluence U.S. foreign policy on a whole block of countries in the MiddleEast or Africa are less likely to be successful. The editor, Mohammad Ahrari,has written a very insightful conclusion, and. as with his other books (OPEC,the Failing Giant, and The Dynamics of Oil Diplomacy) has broken new groundin the emerging field of ethnic influences on foreign policies. One hopesthat he will be able to give attention to the cases of lobbies like those ofthe Greeks, Armenians, Sikhs and Asian Indian Muslims settled in America ...

South African Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fritz Nganje ◽  
Odilile Ayodele
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South African ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The World ◽  
Role Conception ◽  
The Government

In its foreign policy posture and ambitions, post-apartheid South Africa is like no other country on the continent, having earned the reputation of punching above its weight. Upon rejoining the international community in the mid-1990s based on a new democratic and African identity, it laid out and invested considerable material and intellectual resources in pursuing a vision of the world that was consistent with the ideals and aspirations of the indigenous anti-apartheid movement. This translated into a commitment to foreground the ideals of human rights, democratic governance, and socioeconomic justice in its foreign relations, which had been reoriented away from their Western focus during the apartheid period, to give expression to post-apartheid South Africa’s new role conception as a champion of the marginalized interests for Africa and rest of the Global South. Since the start of the 21st century, this new foreign policy orientation and its underlying principles have passed through various gradations, reflecting not only the personal idiosyncrasies of successive presidents but also changes in the domestic environment as well as lessons learned by the new crop of leaders in Pretoria, as they sought to navigate a complex and fluid continental and global environment. From a rather naive attempt to domesticate international politics by projecting its constitutional values onto the world stage during the presidency of Nelson Mandela, South Africa would be socialized into, and embrace gradually, the logic of realpolitik, even as it continued to espouse an ethical foreign policy, much to the chagrin of the detractors of the government of the African National Congress within and outside the country. With the fading away of the global liberal democratic consensus into which post-apartheid South Africa was born, coupled with a crumbling of the material and moral base that had at some point inspired a sense of South African exceptionalism, Pretoria’s irreversible march into an unashamedly pragmatic and interest-driven foreign policy posture is near complete.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE ORIGIN OF MYTHS OF POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo De Rezende Saturnino Braga
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
South African ◽  
World Order ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Iconic Image

The foreign policy narrative of South Africa is strongly grounded in human rights issues, beginning with the transition from a racial segregation regime to a democracy. The worldwide notoriety of the apartheid South Africa case was one factor that overestimated the expectations of the role the country would play in the world after apartheid. Global circumstances also fostered this perception, due to the optimistic scenario of the post-Cold War world order. The release of Nelson Mandela and the collapse of apartheid became the perfect illustration of the victory of liberal ideas, democracy, and human rights. More than 20 years after the victory of Mandela and the first South African democratic elections, the criticism to the country's foreign policy on human rights is eminently informed by those origin myths, and it generates a variety of analytical distortions. The weight of expectations, coupled with the historical background that led the African National Congress (ANC) to power in South Africa, underestimated the traditional tensions of the relationship between sovereignty and human rights. Post-apartheid South Africa presented an iconic image of a new bastion for the defence of human rights in the post-Cold War world. The legacy of the miraculous transition in South Africa, though, seems to have a deeper influence on the role of the country as a mediator in African crises rather than in a liberal-oriented human rights approach. This is more evident in cases where the African agenda clashes with liberal conceptions of human rights, especially due to the politicisation of the international human rights regime. 

From Pigmentocracy to Representocracy

2018 ◽  
pp. 203-260
Author(s):  
Vineet Thakur
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South African ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Institutional Structures

This chapter traces the post-apartheid transformation of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) in South Africa. It argues that in the first decade of transition, the Department remained preoccupied with the process of internal restructuring, which was successfully achieved. This caused structural pains as many of the old white diplomats left the service, robbing the Department of crucial expertise. In these years, the political leadership played a stronger role in the South African foreign policymaking. While Mandela’s foreign policy formulation was ad-hocist, Mbeki relied on institutional structures. However, rather than emphasizing on strengthening the DFA, he created new institutional structures under his integrated governance scheme which, ironically, further centralised foreign policymaking. Consequently, the DFA was further marginalized.

American Opposition to South African Apartheid

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Hostetter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
South African ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
The United States ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Apartheid Regime

American activists who challenged South African apartheid during the Cold War era extended their opposition to racial discrimination in the United States into world politics. US antiapartheid organizations worked in solidarity with forces struggling against the racist regime in South Africa and played a significant role in the global antiapartheid movement. More than four decades of organizing preceded the legislative showdown of 1986, when a bipartisan coalition in Congress overrode President Ronald Reagan’s veto, to enact economic sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa. Adoption of sanctions by the United States, along with transnational solidarity with the resistance to apartheid by South Africans, helped prompt the apartheid regime to relinquish power and allow the democratic elections that brought Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress to power in 1994. Drawing on the tactics, strategies and moral authority of the civil rights movement, antiapartheid campaigners mobilized public opinion while increasing African American influence in the formulation of US foreign policy. Long-lasting organizations such as the American Committee on Africa and TransAfrica called for boycotts and divestment while lobbying for economic sanctions. Utilizing tactics such as rallies, demonstrations, and nonviolent civil disobedience actions, antiapartheid activists made their voices heard on college campuses, corporate boardrooms, municipal and state governments, as well as the halls of Congress. Cultural expressions of criticism and resistance served to reinforce public sentiment against apartheid. Novels, plays, movies, and music provided a way for Americans to connect to the struggles of those suffering under apartheid. By extending the moral logic of the movement for African American civil rights, American anti-apartheid activists created a multicultural coalition that brought about institutional and governmental divestment from apartheid, prompted Congress to impose economic sanctions on South Africa, and increased the influence of African Americans regarding issues of race and American foreign policy.

South Africa’s Foreign Policy and the BRICS Formation: Reflections on the Quest for the ‘Right’ Economic-diplomatic Strategy

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-61
Author(s):  
Theo Neethling
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South African ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
South African Government ◽  
The South ◽  
African Government ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
The Right

South Africa’s foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) partnership and a rising tone of anti-Western sentiments have increasingly been evidenced in South Africa’s contemporary foreign policy, which are of major significance to the nature and direction of its economic-diplomatic strategy. Three broad perspectives or main arguments from this article are of special importance: First, most members of BRICS are troubled by slower economic growth, which should be of concern to South Africa’s current foreign policy stand. Second, anti-Western ideological concerns and related presumptions on the part of the South African government that the BRICS formation could potentially assume a counter-hegemonic character vis-à-vis the West are questionable and dubious. Third, South Africa stands to benefit from many networks and opportunities provided by BRICS membership. At the same time, because of its low economic growth, high levels of poverty and lack of employment opportunities, South Africa cannot afford to follow an approach of narrow interest concerning the BRICS formation and to constrain itself in its economic diplomacy. This article argues that the South African government will therefore have to consider the opportunities offered by a more nuanced and pragmatic foreign policy designed on multiple identities.

scholarly journals Tribalism: Thorny issue towards reconciliation in South Africa – A practical theological appraisal

2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elijah M. Baloyi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
South African ◽  
African Government ◽  
South Africans ◽  
Black South Africans ◽  
Theological Perspective ◽  
The Government ◽  
Apartheid Regime ◽  
Practical Theological

The apartheid regime used various strategies to ensure that South Africans formed a divided nation. It was through the differences between ethnic groups and tribes, among other things, that the government of the time managed to manipulate and entrench hatred and a lack of trust among most black South Africans. Tribalism, which existed even before apartheid, became instrumental in inflicting those divisions as perpetuated by the formation of homelands. The various ethnic groups had been turned against one other, and it had become a norm. Nepotism, which is part and parcel of the South African government, is just an extension of tribalism. It is the objective of this article to uncover how tribalism is still rearing its ugly head. From a practical theological perspective, it is important to deal with tribalism as a tool that plays a part in delaying tribal reconciliation, which was orchestrated by apartheid policies in South Africa.

Postscripts on Independence

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vineet Thakur
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Early Years ◽  
African Renaissance ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Historical Comparative ◽  
A Site

India and South Africa, two states that bookended the process of twentieth century decoloniszation, punched above their weight in global politics in their initial years of liberation. This book analyses the foreign policy ideas, identity, and institutions of these two newly independent states. Theoretically, it argues that foreign policy is often more than just a reaction to global events; rather it is a site where ideas of nationhood are legitimized. Nehru’s India advanced the idea of ‘civilisational pacifism’ through its foreign policy, in turn sanctifying a particular idea of India—a non-violent, secular, and civilizational state. Likewise, in South Africa, ‘rainbow nation’ and ‘African renaissance’, two ideas internalized in the country through its foreign policy, contest for predominance. The book also narrates the institutional history of the early years of the Ministry of External Affairs in India and the Department of International Relations and Cooperation in South Africa. In particular, it investigates the relationship between the political leadership and the foreign office bureaucracy in these two countries and discusses how this relationship affected decision-making. The traditions of national identity-making in these countries have also influenced their respective ideas of bureaucratic ‘professionalism’, which lay at the heart of understanding why the two ministries have developed different organization cultures. This book is the first detailed theoretical and historical comparative analysis of the foreign policies of two emerging countries from the Global South: India and South Africa.

Soft Power: The Fourth ‘Tentacle’ of South Africa’s Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Olusola Ogunnubi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South African ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
Regional Influence ◽  
Discursive Context ◽  
Global Reputation

Studies on South African post-apartheid foreign policy have evolved through four distinctive strands: the estimative, the new dispensation, the ambiguity and strategic engagement. In this article, I attempt to illustrate that a burgeoning thread is noticeable in recent times within the fourth strand offering a marked perspective on the ideational and utilitarian substance of soft power for South Africa’s foreign policy and within the discursive context of its regional/middle power status. In considering the varied arguments submitted by scholars in this regard, the article uncovers three significant thematic positions. First, the cultivation and utilisation of soft power instruments present multiple platforms for expanding South Africa’s global reputation and regional influence. Second, soft power has been the fulcrum of South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy. Third and definitely no less important, this new body of analysis offer critical explanation into the international moral authority and global acceptance that South Africa ostensibly enjoys over and above other regional competitors. Drawing on Alden and Schoeman’s ‘symbolic representivity’ narrative, I argue that it is on the basis of these three interrelated assertions that South Africa’s putative hegemonic reference thrives.

South Africa and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alois Mlambo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South African ◽  
Southern Africa ◽  
Major Trading Partner ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Southern Rhodesia ◽  
Military Support ◽  
Apartheid Regime ◽  
The 19Th Century

This article traces the relations between South Africa and Southern Rhodesia/Rhodesia/Zimbabwe from the end of the 19th century until the present with respect to politics; economic, military, ideological, and cultural activities; as well as foreign policy. The conflicted relationship between the two countries went through varying periods of close cooperation and also of tension, especially given the difference in power between the much larger and more economically prosperous South Africa and the smaller society and economy of Southern Rhodesia. Other important factors include the dominant influence of the Afrikaners in South Africa, from the creation of the Union in 1910 onward, and the apprehension felt by a predominantly English-speaking white population of Rhodesia, which arose from a fear of being swallowed up by Afrikaner-dominated South Africa. During the Zimbabwean liberation struggle from the early 1960s onward, South Africa gave military support to Rhodesia, at least in the early part of the conflict; it changed its policy in the mid-1970s and began to advocate for negotiations between Rhodesia’s warring parties. Between Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 and the democratic transition in South Africa in 1994, relations between the two countries were fraught with tensions because the Zimbabwean government persistently condemned the apartheid regime and hosted representatives of South African anti-apartheid movements, although Zimbabwe was careful not to allow these movements to launch military attacks on South Africa from its soil, for fear of reprisals. On its part, the South African government conducted a sabotage campaign against its northern neighbor and exerted economic pressure on it. Despite all these tensions, however, South Africa remained Zimbabwe’s major trading partner throughout this period. The tension between the countries lessened when Nelson Mandela became president in 1994, but new tensions arose because of Mandela and Robert Mugabe’s rivalry over the leadership of Southern Africa. On coming to power in 1999, Thabo Mbeki tried to diffuse tensions by adopting a different style of foreign policy that, in Zimbabwe’s case, was known as “quiet diplomacy”—a policy that came under much criticism from Western countries and some sectors in Southern Africa. Mbeki’s successors continued this diplomatic policy toward Zimbabwe, even following a militarily assisted political transition in November 2017, which saw the overthrow of Mugabe and his replacement by Emerson Munangangwa.

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