Early Cold War Era’s Nation State Theory and Rift in Korea Academy: In Focus of Lee Yong-hee and His Uncontemporary

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142
Author(s):  
You Jung Ki
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (11) ◽  
pp. 15-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Mansfield-Devine
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Stéphane François

The far right has always taken an interest in the Middle Ages. For the French revolutionary far right, which shares an ideological matrix influenced by Julius Evola, fascination with the Middle Ages revolves around the image of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire as a political model for Europe opposed to the modern nation-state. The romantic image of the medieval knight also offers a watered-down way to celebrate and legitimize violence without having to allude to a taboo National Socialism. This obsession with the Middle Ages contrasts with the reality that these revolutionary far-right movements were rather pro-Arab during the Cold War decades. This shift reveals the transformation of their thinking and the new dominance of the Identitarian notion of ethnic withdrawal, with the knight as the symbol of a pure racial warrior defending his society against Muslim invasion.


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (129) ◽  
pp. 631-652
Author(s):  
Christoph Görg ◽  
Ulrich Brand

In the last years an international legal framework evolved m the field of biodiversity, its protection and use. Accesses to genetic resources and mtellectual property nghts for developed commodities are fundamental for dominant actors and therefore these two aspects are central in political processes. Other aspects as nghts of mdlgenous peoples or benefit sharing have much less importance. Central institutions to regulate the highly contested issues are the Convention on Biological Diversity, the TRIPS agreement m the wro as well as the FAO which are not at all coherent in their policies. Agamst the background of regulation and critical state theory the article examines the contradictory role of the nation-state and international institutions in international biodiversity politics and examines central conflicts lines. Weaker actors try to politicise the struggle under the concept of "biopiracy" accusing dominant actors of an illegitimate appropriation of biodiversity. Fmally, some preconditions of "democratic biodiversity politics" are outlined.


2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1647-1669 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEX PRICHARD

AbstractAnarchism does not feature in contemporary international relations (IR) as a discreet approach to world politics because until very recently it was antithetical to the traditional use-value of a discipline largely structured around the needs and intellectual demands of providing for the world's Foreign Offices and State Departments. This article tells part of the story of how this came to be so by revisiting the historiography of the discipline and an early debate between Harold Laski and Hans Morgenthau. What I will show here is that Morgenthau's Schmittian-informed theory of the nation state was diametrically opposed to Laski's Proudhon-informed pluralist state theory. Morgenthau's success and the triumph of Realism structured the subsequent evolution of the discipline. What was to characterise the early stages of this evolution was IR's professional and intellectual statism. The subsequent historiography of the discipline has also played a part in retrospectively keeping anarchism out. This article demonstrates how a return to this early debate and the historiography of the discipline opens up a little more room for anarchism in contemporary IR and suggests further avenues for research.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Steve Phillips

AbstractWith the retreat of the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) from mainland China to Taiwan in the late 1940s, the island seemed destined to be part of another nation divided by the Cold War—superficially similar to Germany and Korea. The Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland, while the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) moved its government, the Republic of China (ROC), to Taiwan. It followed, then, that reconciliation between the two would unite both sides of the Taiwan Strait under one nation-state. Much has changed since those early years of the Cold War, however. The Communists have embraced capitalism, most nations have established relations with the PRC while cutting ties to the ROC, and it is difficult to discern whether the Nationalists are devoted to a Chinese or to a Taiwanese nation.1 Despite


Author(s):  
Maureen E. Ruprecht Fadem

This largely speculative review historicises the current era of ‘Springs’ through the lens of partition. I offer a critique of political modernity and the modern nation-state through analysis of the turn to border politics in colonial conquests, decolonisation efforts, Cold War politics and other instances of international relations across the long twentieth century. The pervasiveness of such plans across late modernity marks the beginning of the end of the nation as a single, reifiable, imaginable structure. With Ireland as exemplar, I posit national dividedness —a generally underestimated paradigm shaping our time— as spurring a decline in state authority and a new, radical “consciousness of streets.” Together with other defining political structures, it participates in transforming the postmodern map of nation into a conflicted network, an imagined community as metropolitan circuit. I take recourse to theories of partition and nation and work by geographers, historians and postcolonial theorists including Joseph Cleary, Benedict Anderson, Monica Duffy Toft, Étienne Balibar and Michel Foucault.


Author(s):  
Priscilla Roberts

Hong Kong was and is, as Prasenjit Duara points out in this volume, a place that escaped from the boundaries and constraints of the nation-state, one with the potential to trigger novel and perhaps hybrid institutional arrangements, tailored to its own circumstances, that might ultimately provide models for an increasingly globalized and interdependent world, one where the ways that states functioned were being adapted to meet changing demands. Neither a state nor even perhaps a genuine colony, it had the scope to devise creative solutions to whatever problems it might encounter. Cold War developments sometimes proved significant in this respect. Peter Hamilton argues that when, during the mid-1960s, Tsim Sha Tsui in Kowloon developed into a rather seedy red light district full of rowdy bars and down-market businesses catering to visiting US military personnel on R & R from the Vietnam War, this prompted both Hong Kong elites and ordinary people into organizing to protest against this transformation. In so doing, Hamilton believes, they brought into being a new kind of community activism, one that set political precedents for the future of Hong Kong....


1997 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 151-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Franck

The end of the Cold War and the growth of economic, political, and informational globalization are challenging our traditional definitions of self. Franck displays the complexity and growing subjectiveness of identity by providing a detailed lexicon of identity, including definitions of nation, state, tribe, and ethnicity. He argues that recent appeals to nationalism based on a common sociocultural, geographic, and linguistic heritage should be seen as reactions against the broadening communities of trade, information, and power. However, Franck asserts that anomie and xenophobia can be countered by giving substatal ethnicities, minorities, and political parties a voice and a vote in international forums.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 943-977 ◽  
Author(s):  
TILL MOSTOWLANSKY

AbstractIn this article, I set out to explore the possibility of a shared life between two places in the highlands of Pakistan and Tajikistan—a region dissected by Afghanistan's narrow Wakhan corridor, by present-day nation-state boundaries, by historical divisions between Central and South Asia, and by a former Cold War frontier. Moving away from a take on conviviality as specifically tied to urban spaces and face-to-face encounters, I attempt to trace the processes that determine the coming and going of shared modes of being. In doing so, I first situate the two places—Karimabad and Khorog—in their respective post-Cold War borderlands and point to their historically ambivalent status as ‘marginal’ places at the frontier, culturally diverse ‘hubs’, and sites of globalization. Then I analyse the historical build-up—material and ideological—that led to the establishment of specific forms of connection and disconnection between the two places. In the last part of the article, I discuss how people in and from Karimabad and Khorog seek out opportunities to attain shared instances of common sociality, which often remain ephemeral and subject to regimes of power. Finally, I argue that the cases of these two ‘marginal hubs’ highlight the importance of looking beyond the conventional ‘imperial centre’ when debating the dynamics that lead people to desire, create, and abandon ties across difference.


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