scholarly journals A Consciousness of Streets: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Partition

Author(s):  
Maureen E. Ruprecht Fadem

This largely speculative review historicises the current era of ‘Springs’ through the lens of partition. I offer a critique of political modernity and the modern nation-state through analysis of the turn to border politics in colonial conquests, decolonisation efforts, Cold War politics and other instances of international relations across the long twentieth century. The pervasiveness of such plans across late modernity marks the beginning of the end of the nation as a single, reifiable, imaginable structure. With Ireland as exemplar, I posit national dividedness —a generally underestimated paradigm shaping our time— as spurring a decline in state authority and a new, radical “consciousness of streets.” Together with other defining political structures, it participates in transforming the postmodern map of nation into a conflicted network, an imagined community as metropolitan circuit. I take recourse to theories of partition and nation and work by geographers, historians and postcolonial theorists including Joseph Cleary, Benedict Anderson, Monica Duffy Toft, Étienne Balibar and Michel Foucault.

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Julian Go

This chapter explores how the Bourdieusian field theory can be deployed to make sense of global dynamics. It mentions international relations (IR) scholars that have enlisted Bourdieu in their analyses, applied his work to international issues, and taken certain concepts, such as habitus and practice, from his larger theoretical conceptual apparatus. It also focuses on three transformative processes or macro-historical turning points: the expansion of colonial empires during the phase of 'high imperialism', the two world wars, and the post-war end of formal colonial empires that heralded the rise to dominance of the modern nation state. The chapter maps the points of differentiation between field theory approaches and other approaches. It recognizes other key elements of Bourdieusian field theory, such as fields that consist of objective relations between actors and the subjective and cultural forms of those relations.


Author(s):  
Seyla Benhabib

This chapter explains how in the German—Jewish encounter with political modernity, the contradictory presuppositions constitutive of every nation-state are revealed. Now that the weaknesses of the Westphalian state-system are becoming increasingly apparent, whereas the alternative institutions that ought to transcend this system are still remote, scholars can identify some of these paradoxes more vividly. The dignity of equal citizenship for all and the sovereignty claims of the nation are the dual sources of legitimacy in the modern nation-state, and the tensions among them have accompanied and enframed the people's political experiences since the bourgeois democratic revolutions of the eighteenth century. The chapter shows how Jewish political and legal thinkers of the twentieth century have grappled with both dimensions of this paradox.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Stéphane François

The far right has always taken an interest in the Middle Ages. For the French revolutionary far right, which shares an ideological matrix influenced by Julius Evola, fascination with the Middle Ages revolves around the image of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire as a political model for Europe opposed to the modern nation-state. The romantic image of the medieval knight also offers a watered-down way to celebrate and legitimize violence without having to allude to a taboo National Socialism. This obsession with the Middle Ages contrasts with the reality that these revolutionary far-right movements were rather pro-Arab during the Cold War decades. This shift reveals the transformation of their thinking and the new dominance of the Identitarian notion of ethnic withdrawal, with the knight as the symbol of a pure racial warrior defending his society against Muslim invasion.


Author(s):  
Qing Zhang

This chapter discusses language policies in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), including the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR since 1997) and Taiwan. The term “Greater China” refers to these three territories. Contemporary language policies in the region are driven by the need for, and play a vital role in, building a unified modern nation-state. The discussion notes that language policy is informed and shaped by language ideologies and attitudes, as well as by sociohistorical, geopolitical, and economic considerations. All three territories have witnessed drastic socioeconomic and political change since the last two decades of the twentieth century. Such transformations have undoubtedly left their impact on their languages and language policies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Julio César Díaz Calderón

Resumen. Este artículo presenta un estudio de las figuraciones del “homosexual” en América Latina. Se inspira en el trabajo de Cynthia Weber sobre teoría queer en Relaciones In­ternacionales y en el análisis latinoamericano queer de Carlos Figari. Se propone una manera plural de contestar a tres interrogantes: ¿quién es el “homosexual” en América Latina?, ¿qué es el Estado-nación moderno que se presupone “soberano”? y ¿cómo el “homosexual” participa en la construcción del Estado-nación “soberano”? Las dos primeras preguntas no se contestan, pero se explora su potencial para los estudios “queer” y de Relaciones Internacionales.Para contestar la tercera pregunta se introduce una figuración plural del “homosexual” que rompe con la dicotomía entre normal y perverso en el contexto latinoamericano: Juan­Ga/Aguilera. Se justifica por qué JuanGa/Aguilera crea un Estado-nación soberano plural que complica (quizá hasta hace imposibles) las nociones tradicionales dicotómicas de soberanía. Se utiliza este resultado para dar una serie de perspectivas de investigación que abre el en­tendimiento de las figuraciones plurales como hombre soberano, tanto en los estudios lati­noamericanos de teoría queer como en los de Relaciones Internacionales.Palabras clave: Queer, Relaciones Internacionales, sexualidad, homosexualidad, sober­anía, política internacional.Abstract. This article presents a study about Latin American figurations of the “homo­sexual”. It was inspired by the work of Cynthia Weber in Queer International Relations (Queer IR) and the Latin American Queer analysis of Carlos Figari. It proposes a new pluralistic way to answer to three interrogatives: who is the “homosexual” in Latin America?, what is the modern nation-state that is assumed to be “sovereign”? and, how does the “homosexual” participates in the construction of the “sovereign” nation-state? The first two questions are not answered, rather they are explored for their potential to produce new insights to Queer and IR theories.To answer the third question, it will be introduced a new plural figuration of the “homo­sexual” that breaks apart with the either normal or perverse dichotomy: JuanGa/Aguilera. It is justified why JuanGa/Aguilera creates a plural “sovereign” nation state that makes more difficult (even impossible) to sustain traditional binary understandings of sovereign. This last result will be used to give new research possibilities that can be achieved in Latin American Queer Studies and International Relations through the understanding of plural figurations of sovereign man.Keywords: queer, International Relations, sexuality, homosexuality, sovereignty, inter­national politics.


2012 ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Miranda Corcoran

Emphasising the manner in which literary texts often serve to express the collective hopes and fears of their respective cultures or communities, my research explores the representation of social paranoia in a selection of Cold War American and Soviet Russian novels. Although the antagonism between these two opposing superpowers, and their struggle for ideological supremacy, shaped the course of twentieth- century international relations, my research proposes that an examination of the literary and cultural output of these two apparently irreconcilable socio-political systems reveals a parallel preoccupation with a number of typically paranoid concerns. These shared anxieties include the unsettling reality of state surveillance and similar methods of social control, the ever-present threat of enemy infiltration, and the politicisation of science which resulted in the terror of the Nuclear Age. Indeed, much of the fiction produced in Russia from the Stalinist era onwards and in the U.S. during the Cold War ...


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Torsten Albrecht ◽  
Konstantinos Tsetsos ◽  
Philipp Grunwald

AbstractIn this chapter different perspectives on the concept of sea power are considered. On the one hand, sea power is defined accordingly, whereby it must be emphasized that sea power is not only composed of the number of ships or material but also of the degree to which it can influence and compel other countries/actors. The concept of sea power is then examined based on the International Relations theories of Realism and Liberalism. In order to understand the origins and also the development in the twentieth century of the concept of sea power, the most important cornerstones of the leading naval thinkers of the “blue-water school,” Alfred Thayer Mahan and Sir Julian Corbett, are presented. This work ends with a review of the concept of sea power during the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Weijie Song

This chapter situates Beijing in a larger context of modern Chinese urban literature, and charts the trajectories of affective mapping of major cities in the Chinese-speaking world against the great backdrop of the downfall of the (Manchu) Empire, the rise of modern nation-state, the 1949 great divide, and the formation of Cold war and globalizing world. The main issues are modern urban awareness, historical consciousness, individual/collective memories, and nationalist perceptions regarding the old and new capital, Beijing; the semicolonial metropolis and socialist Shanghai and its remnants; the traumatized and aloof Nanjing; the abandoned capital, Xi’an; Taipei under Japanese colonial rule and the subsequent Nationalist Party’s dominance; and Hong Kong from a British Crown Colony to a Special Administrative Region of China. Urban experiences, emotional vicissitudes, and literary topography continue to provide illustrating and illuminating methods of mapping Sinophone cities.


2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEAN-FRANÇOIS DROLET

AbstractThis article offers a reconstruction of Nietzsche's critique of Kant's scheme for perpetual peace distilled from his life-long confrontation with Kant's critical philosophy. Through this reading strategy, it sheds light on Nietzsche's controversial and yet surprisingly under-researched reflections on the problem of conflict and war in human affairs. Although Nietzsche embraced many of the basic premises of Kant's critical philosophical project, he considered the ethico-political conclusions Kant drew from these to be both irrational and nihilistic. From Nietzsche's perspective, Kant's thoughts on politics and International Relations rest on a fundamental misunderstanding of the phenomena of agency, statehood, and war that elides both the tragic relationship between politics and culture, and the violence which Nietzsche believes to be latent in all attempts at reconciling individual with collective autonomy. According to Nietzsche, Kant's influential association between liberal republicanism, freedom, and peace contributed unwittingly in ushering in the cult of the nation-state, which Nietzsche warned would engulf Europe into a wholly new kind of organised violence in the coming decades. Although clearly not without their uncritical assumptions and hubristic tendencies, Nietzsche's reflections on war and peace draw attention to some of the more insidious risks and difficulties attending liberal attempts at accommodating cosmopolitan values and principles within the framework of the modern nation state.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-570
Author(s):  
Glenn E. Perry

Professor Amin, who teaches international relations at Quaid-i-AzamUniversity in Islamabad, has provided us with a short but insightfulanalysis of twentieth-century writings from the Liberal, Marxist, andIslamic traditions on the issue of "nationalism versus internationalism."Pointing out that Western writings treat the "nation-state" as "a universalform," he presents two main arguments: a) nationalism emerged from"Western liberal culture" and is now "seriously challenged by a varietyof communitarian internationalisms," of which Islamic revivalism is themost important in the Islamic world (p. 5), and b) Islamic revivalismoftenmisunderstood as being a backward-looking "fundamentalism" -is"a reaction against Liberal and Marxist internationalism which are seenas the two imperialist ideologies of the West" (p. 6).Amin briefly states the essence of the three traditions-the Liberalbelief in nationalism as natural, with "world unity [envisaged as emerging]through the prism of nation-states" (p. 7); the Marxist goal of a "classlessworld society" (p. 7); and the Islamic idea of all "believers . . . belong [ing] to one global community, the ummah" (p. 10). Insisting that thedialogue among the three trends is facilitated by understanding all of them"from within and through their main spokesmen" (p. 10), he proceeds witha chapter on the representative literature of each. Each chapter is dividedinto three sections: traditional writers, modernization theorists, and postmodernizationtheorists.Perhaps reflecting the author's Western education, the book's longestchapter is the one on Liberalism. He begins with Toynbee, whom hedescribes as "an internationalist par excellence in the Western communitariantradition" (p. 13). Three other Liberal writers are categorized as"traditional"-E. H. Carr, Hans Kohn, and Carleton Hayes. Under the designationof modernization theorists, Amin deals with Karl Deutsch andErnest Gellner, while the section on post-modernization theorists looksmainly at Walker Conner and A. D. Smith.In the chapter on Marxism, Amin analyzes Marx and Engels as "traditionalwriters." Lenin is classified as a "modernization theorist," while ...


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