scholarly journals Wizyta Josepa Borrella w Moskwie

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-236
Author(s):  
Przemysław Żurawski vel Grajewski
Keyword(s):  
Logical Consequence ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Eu

Josep Borrell’s visit to Moscow was a substantial political failure of the EU’s diplomacy still it was not an accident neither a surprise. The EU’ policy towards Russia has been based on illusions and the European wishful thinking since the very beginning of the mutual relations that started in 1991-1993. The Borrell’s visit to Moscow rather showed the nature of the Russian attitude towards the EU than produced it. Russia prefers to act within the “great powers concerto” i.e. to deal with both - the leading EU member states (Germany, France) and the non-EU great powers (UK, USA) and not with the EU institutions and representatives who are not respected neither treated seriously in Moscow. There is a deep division within the EU between the Eastern flank member states whose perception of Russian threat is strong and well founded and the western and southern countries the political interests and priorities are focused on other problems. Russian capacity to corrupt the numerous prominent members of the European political class makes the EU policy vis a vis Russia even less coherent and realistic. The article shows the history of the EU-Russia relations in the last 30 years and proves the fiasco of the Borrell’s visit to Moscow was not just an accident still a logical consequence of the ill based EU policy towards Russia.

scholarly journals The EU and Japan in the Process of Building Creative/Progressive Cultural Relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 133-152
Author(s):  
Bożena Gierat-Bieroń ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Cultural Project ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Eu

The EU is promoting cultural relations with Asian countries. While building interpersonal and institutional connections, the EU pays special attention to Japan. The image of the EU and its mutual relations with Japan are generally recognised as predominantly good and trustworthy. This paper will examine the process of building creative/progressive cultural relations between the EU and Japan based on two hypotheses; fi rst: despite the fact that the EU tried to develop cultural relations within Japan, the embassies of the EU Member States are far more active in cultural programs than the EU Delegation; and secondly: the reception of the EU as a historic and cultural project is rather fragmented (as opposed to being holistic) in Japan. The aim of this research is to analyse, compare, and evaluate both the effort and achievements made by the EU and Japan in the process of building creative cultural relations. The research will demonstrate an analytical approach in the political sciences discipline.

scholarly journals An Old Couple in a New Setting: Franco-German Leadership in the Post-Brexit EU

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Ulrich Krotz ◽  
Lucas Schramm
Keyword(s):  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
German Part ◽  
The Eu

What are the implications of Brexit for the nature, role, and potential of Franco-German leadership in the EU? Brexit, we contend, is both an expression and a further cause of two broader underlying developments in the contemporary EU: First, a stronger and more prominent German part and position, and second, disintegrative tendencies in several EU policy fields and the EU polity as a whole. This, in turn, has major implications for Franco-German bilateralism and for Franco-German leadership in the EU. In light of a stronger Germany, a relatively weaker France, and significant centrifugal forces, the two largest EU member states must not only realign their bilateral relationship but must also act as a stabilizer in and for the EU. We show that during the EU’s recent crises, not least during the Brexit negotiations and the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, France and Germany did exercise joint leadership. We also show, however, that major discrepancies persist between the two countries in particular policy fields and with regard to longer-term European objectives. Brexit, with its numerous calamities and implications, thus once again moves Franco-German leadership—and its shortcomings—to center stage in Europe. When it comes to leadership in the EU, there remains no viable alternative to the Franco-German duo. Yet, in order to provide constructive leadership and successfully shape the EU, the two countries must bridge substantial differences and be ready to carry disproportionately high burdens.

scholarly journals National and Collective Practices for the COVID-19 Pandemic Response in Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 50-60
Author(s):  
M. Vedernikov
Keyword(s):  
Early Stage ◽  
Stress Test ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Herd Immunity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
History Of ◽  
National Programs ◽  
The Eu

The article deals with the national and collective pandemic responses at the early stage of the COVID‑19 spread in Europe. It is noted that the European Union was not ready for such a cataclysm, despite the history of the spread of serious infectious diseases and the presence of special services and road maps. The virus that began to circulate in Asia, was not initially perceived by the EU representatives as a real threat. Moreover, its leadership ignored the voices of some member states of the Union, focusing on solving other problems. In turn, the countries left without Brussels’ attention began to counteract the new Coronavirus independently, using the anti-crisis tools that were prescribed in the existing pandemic plans. The existence of such national programs determined the specificity of the measures taken in the very first days. The author identifies three models of the EU member states’ behavior. The first one was common for the states of the so-called “political core of the EU” which refused to adopt strict lockdown measures due to their unwillingness to weaken democracy, violate human rights and limit civil liberties. The second group, comprised mainly of the EU‑11 countries, imposed severe measures. The author sees the rationale for this step in the fact that local authorities doubted the capabilities of national health systems in passing a pandemic stress test. The third group includes states that have chosen the way of achieving herd immunity – the most controversial option of resistance to viral infection, that has not proven its effectiveness. The article demonstrates that the period of growing national egoism was followed by a stage of decisive measures by the central authorities of the EU. They were able to develop a suitable package of measures that took into consideration the interests of the most affected countries of the Union. The consolidation of the EU after a temporary weakening became possible due to the “reset” of the Franco-German tandem.

scholarly journals The ratio of national and supranational levels of foreign policy formation of the European Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (10) ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Melissa Erhiun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Supranational Level ◽  
The Eu

The relevance of the topic has been summed up by the migratory crisis, the emergence of recent conflicts and the occasional instability near the cordons of the EU, as a result, he is forced to strengthen supranational governance in various fields. One of such areas is foreign policy, which in the context of changing the nature of security interactions plays an important role in the process of European integration. The object of the study is the EU as an international actor in the process of its formation and development. The subject is the foreign policy dimension of the EU's functioning, its conceptual, institutional and instrumental aspects.The aim of the article was to consider a number of approaches with different emphases in the interpretation of the European Union's foreign policy, definitions of "sovereignty" and "supranationality", the difference between normative and implementing supranationalism, the historical attitude of member states to the full preservation or delegation of sovereignty. in the formation of EU policy, the creation of new authorities and positions in the process of EU formation in the context and the factors influencing member states on the formation of common EU policy and determine the attitude of member states to the supranational level of governance, advantages and disadvantages for them.Conclusions. Member states are ambivalent about deeper integration in foreign policy. On the one hand, foreign policy cooperation can serve as a tool that allows Member States to pursue their national interests more effectively. However, in the absence of leadership in the EU, the supranational level can become an instrument of regulatory justification for projecting the priorities of individual member states on other members of the union. At the same time, the possibilities of its use remain limited due to serious differences in the strategic culture of the EU member states.

scholarly journals EUROPEANIZATION OF UKRAINE’S EXECUTIVE POWER (Lessons of the Central and Eastern Europe’s EU Member States)

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Ivo Rollis ◽  
Zaneta Ozolina
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Policy Planning ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Eu

The article addresses main OECD SIGMA recommendations regarding national European Union (EU) policy co-ordination in Ukraine and provides relevant lessons from Latvia and other EU Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) Member States in addressing similar challenges from the EU pre-accession and post-accession experience. Efficiency of a national policy co-ordination is one of the core determinants to succeed europeanization of a national core executive power and further integration with the EU. The OECD SIGMA Baseline Measurement Assessment Report on Principles of Public Administration in Ukraine published in June 2018 reveals important concerns in steering and co-ordination of some reform initiatives, overlapping competences of public bodies in co-ordinating policy planning and implementation monitoring of the Government’s performance in public sector reforms. Effective implementation of national reforms is vital also in the terms of implementation of the Ukraine–EU Association Agreement (AA) that entered into force on September 1, 2017 and Actual problems of international relations. Release 140. 2019 16 requires a high level of coordination in the Ukrainian government. Relevant national EU policy co-ordination experience of the EU CEE Member States is revisited as a possible lesson for Ukraine in implementation of essential structural reforms on the national level. Key words: europeanization, Association Agreement, principles of public administration, national policy co-ordination, policy planning

scholarly journals Brexit: Benefits and Costs for the United Kingdom – Reflections for Observers in Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-84
Author(s):  
Marian Żukowski ◽  
Monika Nowakowska
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Negative Evaluation ◽  
British Society ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU structures creates a new chapter in the history of the European integration. For the first time, after several decades of steady and secure functioning of the EU, a split occurs. Lofty ideas about creation of strong, coherent, wealthier and safer Europe lose in the competition with economic indicators and the national interest of the United Kingdom. Brexit is an expression of the negative evaluation of the EU functioning by the British society. This opinion is grounded in difficulties of the EU with solving current economic, social and political problems of contemporary Europe, as well as in decreased cooperation among member states. The following most important reasons for Brexit should be mentioned: the uncontrolled inflow of immigrants, increased terror threat, loss of economic independence and national identity. It is also worth noticing the successful actions of right-wing politicians who used the situation to build their own vision of the state. Consequences of Brexit shall affect both the United Kingdom and the EU member states but also non-EU countries. They shall have political, economic and social dimensions. However, at the current stage of the negotiations, it is difficult to predict all effects of the decisions taken. According to analysts, the UK shall incur financial losses, competitiveness of economy will decline, GDP will go down, political relations with neighbour states will deteriorate. Brexit shall affect particularly these states which are close trade partners of the United Kingdom. Loss of the UK as one of the economic pillars of the EU shall influence the economic situation of the entire European Union. Brexit is also a crack in the EU image as an organization cherishing the values of solidarity and humanism. Individual interests of particular member states can be a contagious example.

History of the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Aaron Thomas Walter
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
History Of ◽  
European Neighborhood Policy ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Eu

The European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) was designed in 2004 to create closer ties between the EU and its eastern and southern neighboring countries. In 2009, the Eastern Partnership (EaP), a joint initiative between the 28 EU Member States and 6 Eastern countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine), was launched on the same basis of supporting area of prosperity and good neighborliness. To understand how the EU engages its neighboring countries in the southern Mediterranean and northern borders and fulfills the EaP in its requirements of security and stability, a history of the ENP and EaP is provided. The following chapter shall also explore the ENP and EaP framework and challenges linked to consequentialism and appropriateness between 2005 and 2017, including new approaches in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and 2015 migration crisis.

BIOECONOMY DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL BASED ON MORE EFFICIENT LAND USE IN THE EU

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina PILVERE ◽  
Aleksejs NIPERS ◽  
Bartosz MICKIEWICZ
Keyword(s):  
Green Growth ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Growing Stock ◽  
Europe 2020 ◽  
Europe 2020 Strategy ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
Key Industries ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Production Resource

Europe 2020 Strategy highlights bioeconomy as a key element for smart and green growth in Europe. Bioeconomy in this case includes agriculture, forestry, fisheries, food and pulp and paper production, parts of chemical, biotechnological and energy industries and plays an important role in the EU’s economy. The growth of key industries of bioeconomy – agriculture and forestry – highly depends on an efficient and productive use of land as a production resource. The overall aim of this paper is to evaluate opportunities for development of the main sectors of bioeconomy (agriculture and forestry) in the EU based on the available resources of land. To achieve this aim, several methods were used – monographic, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, statistical analysis methods. The findings show that it is possible to improve the use of land in the EU Member States. If all the Member States reached the average EU level, agricultural products worth EUR 77 bln would be annually additionally produced, which is 19 % more than in 2014, and an extra 5 billion m3 volume of forest growing stock would be gained, which is 20 % more than in 2010.

THE STANDARD OF LIVING OF HOUSEHOLDS IN POLAND COMPARED TO OTHER EU MEMBER STATES

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 634-638
Author(s):  
Joanna Szwacka Mokrzycka
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Economic Condition ◽  
Standard Of Living ◽  
Consumption Expenditure ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Financial Condition ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Structure Of Consumption ◽  
The Eu

The objective of this article is to present the standard of living of households in Poland in comparison with other EU member states. The starting point for analysis was the economic condition of Poland against the background of other EU member states. The next step consisted of assessment of the standard of living of inhabitants of individual EU member states on the basis of financial condition of households and the structure of consumption expenditure. It was found that the differences within the EU in terms of economic development and the standard of living of households still remain substantial.

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