scholarly journals Przyczyny upadku Polski według Iwana Kedryna-Rudnyckiego

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
Alina Zawada

This article discusses articles written by the Ukrainian journalist Ivan Kedryn-Rudnytsky, which were published in the journal Krakivs’ki Visti in the spring and summer of 1940. It was published by Ukrainians in German-occupied Cracow from 1940 to 1944 (until October), and later in Vienna. In his twenty-seven articles, the author discussed in detail the reasons which, in his opinion, led to the defeat of Poland in September 1939. In his deliberations he went back to the beginnings of the Second Polish Republic and analysed the system, politics, administration, foreign policy, policy towards national minorities, the state press strategy and actions taken by individual politicians. He was critical of people and phenomena, but based his judgments on facts. This article outlines his most important arguments and divides them into categories.

1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Jerome M. Segal
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.


1979 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert R. Winham

A Checklist for Negotiators, produced during a study session on negotiation in the State Department's Senior Seminar on Foreign Policy, highlights certain changes that are occurring in the diplomatic function. First, practitioners make a distinction between the internal (or domestic) and external aspects of negotiation, which reflects a growing politicization of the diplomatic function and an increasing trend toward a mediatorial model of diplomacy. Second, practitioners emphasize managerial rather than strategic concerns, which is consistent with the large, complex problems that foreign offices are increasingly facing. Third, practitioners attach more importance to issues and substantive information than to personality or sociological variables. This is a reflection of the increasing scope, and resulting anonymity, of international diplomatic processes. These three points introduce new concerns into the theoretical literature on international negotiation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 202 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-733
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Szyszlak

The main objective of the article is to analyse the state of cultural security of the Uyghur minority. Due to the fundamental significance of identity and culture for the functioning of national minorities, it belongs from their perspective to the most crucial sectors of security, especially since a whole range of threats concerns it. The text uses the case study method, and the situation of the Uyghur minority in the People’s Republic of China has been chosen as an example. The following parts of the study define the terms used in the article, characterize the Uyghur minority, and indicate the most critical threats to its cultural security. These include the processes of migration together with the accompanying processes of urbanization and industrialization, the destruction of cultural heritage, threats in the area of culture and education, and dangers related to the state’s policy towards Islam and the potential radicalization of its Uyghur followers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801878711
Author(s):  
Akisato Suzuki

Does the state of the domestic economy change the size of the effect of audience costs? As public opinion research has shown, citizens assess the performance of their leaders based not only on foreign policy, but also on the domestic economy. Thus, if leaders are subject to audience costs, they should be even less able to afford failure in an international crisis when the economy is performing badly than when the economy is doing well. As a result, such leaders should be even more able to make their threats credible and, therefore, are more likely to be successful in coercive diplomacy. This novel prediction finds no empirical support in a replication study using Moon and Souva (2016). I discuss possible reasons for this result and avenues for further research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey D. Andreev ◽  
Emma V. Bitsieva ◽  
Olga V. Lepeshkina ◽  
Dmitry M. Polonsky ◽  
Marina S. Savchenko

This paper presents the results of a study devoted to the legal phenomenon of political pluralism as a factor in the development of modern society and the state by the example of classical democratic countries. At the same time, attention is focused on such components of political pluralism as formalization of freedom of speech and assembly; a multi-party system, as well as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of various social groups at the parliamentary level. It was found that the most acceptable is the model operating in the FRG, since it allows people to find a balance between guarantees of political diversity, such as freedom of speech and the right to public events. The interaction between civil society institutions and parliamentarians is especially advisable when making decisions in the domestic and foreign policy of the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.


Zograf ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

King Uros (1243-1276) erected the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Sopocani monastery in about 1270 and, in it, he prepared tombs for the first hegoumenos of Sopocani, his mother Queen Ana, for himself and the then archbishop, Joanikije (Fig. 1). Over each tomb there is a marble sarcophagus surrounded by appropriate wall paintings. The tombs of Uros and Joanikije were located in the western bay of the naos. Thus, the recently announced hypothesis, that the endowed did not intend to be buried in Sopocani, is unfounded. The intention of King Uros was only brought into question in 1276 when he was driven from the throne by his older son, Dragutin. The overthrow caused a major drama in the family, the state and the Church. King Uros retired to the southern part of the state (Hum), where he became a monk and subsequently died (perhaps in 1277). His wife Jelena received vast territories from her son, the new king, which she practically ruled independently, while Archbishop Joanikije, after having denied Dragutin his blessing, retired with the former king and died in the region of Pilot in 1279. King Dragutin (1276-1282) made a great effort to mitigate the negative effects of the overthrow: he continued his father's foreign policy established good relations with neighboring Dubrovnik, took pains to appease his mother, Queen Jelena, by granting her vast territories, and to win the support of the Church by erecting, repairing or presenting gifts to several churches and monasteries. He certainly obtained the Sopocani monastery through hereditary ktetorial rights.


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