Przyczyny upadku Polski według Iwana Kedryna-Rudnyckiego

This article discusses articles written by the Ukrainian journalist Ivan Kedryn-Rudnytsky, which were published in the journal Krakivs’ki Visti in the spring and summer of 1940. It was published by Ukrainians in German-occupied Cracow from 1940 to 1944 (until October), and later in Vienna. In his twenty-seven articles, the author discussed in detail the reasons which, in his opinion, led to the defeat of Poland in September 1939. In his deliberations he went back to the beginnings of the Second Polish Republic and analysed the system, politics, administration, foreign policy, policy towards national minorities, the state press strategy and actions taken by individual politicians. He was critical of people and phenomena, but based his judgments on facts. This article outlines his most important arguments and divides them into categories.

Od przywództwa transformacyjnego do transakcyjnego. Analiza porównawcza pierwszego i drugiego gabinetu premiera Abe Shinzō w Japonii

O ile pierwsza kadencja premiera Abe Shinzō (2006-2007) zakończyła się przedwcześnie po zaledwie jednym roku, o tyle druga (2012-2020) trwała prawie osiem lat, co stanowi rekord w długości sprawowania urzędu premiera w historii Japonii. Artykuł zawiera analizę porównawczą przywództwa politycznego premiera Abe w obu przypadkach. Autor twierdzi, że o ile za swojej pierwszej kadencji Abe bezskutecznie próbował narzucić transformacyjny rodzaj przywództwa, o tyle od 2012 roku powrócił do przywództwa transakcyjnego, które było charakterystyczne dla większości powojennych premierów w Japonii. Przedstawione są historyczne, instytucjonalne i społeczne uwarunkowania sprawowania władzy w tym kraju, które stanowią poważne utrudnienie dla przywództwa transformacyjnego.

Polityka rosyjska wobec Libii w latach 2011–2020. Determinanty i implikacje

The aim of this article is to describe the most important conditions and implications that characterise relations between Russia and Libya from the Arab Spring to the present day. The main thesis of this article assumes that the Kremlin is striving to play a significant role in the Middle East, seeing this as an opportunity to depreciate the importance of the United States, which Russia treats as its main political opponent in Europe. I have decided to present this topic as a result of the discussions in the scientific discourse on the instruments with which the Russian Federation wants to strengthen its political position in the Middle East and North Africa. Initially, this article discusses the relations of the two entities from the end of World War II to the outbreak of social protests in the Middle East in 2011, focusing on their contacts during the Cold War. Later in this article, the mutual ties between the countries after the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi and the increased involvement of the Kremlin in the Libyan issue are described. Additionally, the article presents the goals of the growing activity of the Russian authorities in Libya from 2014 to 2018, as evidenced by the support of Russian politicians for General Khalif Haftar’s actions and the presence of the Wagner group aimed at supporting him. In this context, it is indispensable to mention the importance of the events in Syria for the strategy adopted by Moscow in the Libyan conflict. Moreover, the article tries to trace the rivalry between Russia and Turkey in Libya, which has been growing stronger in 2019 and 2020, by analysing its broad international context. The issue of economic contacts between Moscow and Tripoli is also worth attention. In conclusion, the article attempts to answer the question of whether the Russian Federation’ activities in Libya should be expected to intensify in the near future in the era of the progressive coronavirus pandemic and whether the global position of the United States should be expected to weaken.

Silva Theutonica. Las jako mitologem niemieckiej odrębności

Since the fifteenth century, when Tacitus’ Germania was discovered, the Teutonic Forest has been the central mythologeme of the German imagined community created by successive generations of philosophers, theologians and artists. The interest in multiple relationships between the prototype native landscape of the forest and the Germanic national character grew throughout the nineteenth century, the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the interwar period, up to the times of Nazism.

Pokój i wojna. O stanie natury według Johna Locke’a i Thomasa Hobbesa

This article attempts to explain the ambiguities appearing in connection with John Locke’s concept of ‘the state of nature’. This philosopher’s concept is often juxtaposed with a similar approach of Thomas Hobbes, indicating that Locke’s vision is relatively mild compared to the Hobbesian state of war. According to the philosopher of Malmesbury, the state of nature is ‘brutish and short’, and in the case of Locke, there are some moments when we begin to ask why this state should be left at all. The considerations contained in this article are meant to show that Locke’s approach proves to be not entirely consistent and ultimately, in its most consistent form, is not much different from Hobbes’ vision.

The Crisis of Confessionalism: Lebanon between Tradition and Modernity

This article contains the analysis of the Lebanese protests that started in October 2019 and attempts to explain their background. The main argument is that the Lebanese consociational system is undergoing a deep crisis. There is a growing disparity between the existing political system and ongoing social changes. The article argues that the reason for the socio-political tensions lies in the clash between two distinctive and competing discourses about the future shape of the Lebanese political system: the confessional discourse and the secular or reformist discourse.

Polityka europejska Polski w latach 2004–2017

This article attempts to translate the Polish experience related to membership in the European Union (EU) into the European policy of Ukraine. The aim of this article is to present Poland’s European policy from 2004 to 2017, particularly from the perspective of the assumptions adopted by individual governments and the mistakes made. The Polish experience of changes in European politics may be a valuable hint for the Ukrainian political elites, particularly in the context of drawing conclusions from mistakes. Recommendations for Ukraine in relation to their membership in the EU boil down to the issue of building an appropriate state strategy and the stability of institutions that take care of the entire process. Another element is the need to develop the so-called critical European studies to initiate a real discussion among Ukrainian political elites and Ukrainian society.