scholarly journals CHANGES IN FOREIGN TRADE POLICIES: TRANSITION FROM FREE TRADE TO NEO-PROTECTIONISM

Author(s):  
K. S. Brenzovych
1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Gunnar Flфystad

This paper analyses whether the developing countries are pursuing an optimal foreign trade policy, given the theoretical and empirical evidence we have. The paper concludes that constraints in imposing other taxes than tariffs in many developing countries may justify having tariffs as part of an optimal taxation policy.


1952 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 131-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. D. Ramsay

Some share—fluctuating and uncertain, but assuredly significant—of English foreign trade in modern times is to be credited to smugglers, who were ever busy in evading customs regulations and prohibitions. Mere administrative watchfulness and thoroughness could never do more than damp their activities; it was only the triumph of free trade in the early Victorian age that deprived them of their livelihood, and until then they were able to match by increase of cunning and of organization the ever more elaborate network of the customs system—its spies, its coastguards and its cutters as well as its routine officials at the ports. The smuggler flourished right down to the end of the period of protection, despite sporadic seizures by the revenue officers. In the first half of the nineteenth century, French wines, brandies and luxury textiles were being punctually shipped across the Channel in the teeth of prohibitions. In the other direction, we know, for instance, of the existence in the same period of so remarkable á phenomenon as the muslin manufacture of Tarare, near Lyons, which relied for its raw material upon the assured supply of English yarn owled abroad. But it was probably the eighteenth century, when customs regulations were at their most burdensome and complicated, that marked the classic epoch of illicit trade, the period in which the technical skill of both breakers and defenders of the law might earn the highest rewards.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Sun Yuhong ◽  
Mu Yifei ◽  
Jun Yang

Abstract On 5 October 2015, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) led by the U.S. was signed. Already, 12 countries1 have joined the agreement, but China has not. Thus, lots of research has focused on the negative effect of the TPP on China’s foreign trade. On the other hand, China is moving forward in its own efforts to establish bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) and free trade zones. In June 2015, China-South Korea and China-Australia signed bilateral FTAs which went into effect in December 2015. Several questions were raised: Since South Korea and Australia are the major trade partners in the Pacific area and the bilateral FTAs will be effective before the TPP, will these FTAs’ positive effects on China’s foreign trade offset some of the negative effects of the TPP? If China and the U.S. adopted a competitive trade policy, which countries would benefit? If China and the U.S. adopted a cooperative trade policy, how would the trade value and economic welfare change? This paper simulates and analyses the mutual effects of China-South Korea and China-Australia FTAs and the enlarging TPP using the computable general equilibrium model. The major conclusions drawn suggest that China-South Korea and China-Australia FTAs will significantly offset the TPP’s negative effect on China’s foreign trade. If China is not included, the U.S. economic benefit from the TPP will be limited. The economic welfare for a country like Australia, which joined both the bilateral FTA and the TPP, will be increased the most. In the long run, China joining the TPP would be the most beneficial decision for its national interest. However, if the TPP cannot be approved by the US congress, the U.S.’s economic indicators and export would be decreasing sharply. China’s economy and export will benefit from FTAs.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (127) ◽  
pp. 116-127
Author(s):  
O. Lytvyn

This article deals with the prospects, possible risks and threats of deep and comprehensive free trade area («FTA+») between Ukraine and the EU. Features of foreign economic activity of Ukraine within the framework of FTA with the CIS are also considered in the article. A detailed analysis of the foreign trade statement and regional pattern of exports and imports of Ukraine is presented for the last few years. The key difference between «FTA+» with the EU and classic free trade areas is determined. Risks of the external economic collaboration of Ukraine with the European countries are described after intensifying of the conflict between Ukraine and Russian Federation. Reasons of suspension of the Free trade agreement between Russia and Ukraine are marked. It operated within the framework of FTA with the CIS, trade and economic collaboration between the countries until the abolition of a free trade with Ukraine by Russian Federation. The consequences of the European technical and phytosanitary standards, substantial diminishing of export and import duties and measures related to the preparation of internal market to «FTA+» are analysed for Ukraine. The form of «FTA+» is found out, which foresees the reduction and liquidation of trade barriers within the framework of a free trade regime. It doesn’t deal only with liberalization of bilateral commodity trade but such spheres, as: trade in services, regime of foreign direct investment, public purchasing and labour force movement. The form of «FTA+» also foresees a wide adaptation program of economic and sectoral legislation of Ukraine to the norms and standards of the EU that will allow removing of nontariff barriers for domestic exports to internal market of the EU.


Significance Tens of thousands of farmers and indigenous people have taken part in demonstrations since May 30 in protest at the government's economic policies. At least three people are reported to have been killed and some 200 injured in clashes with police. The protesters claim that promises made following similar protests in 2013 have not been honoured and that the government's free trade policies harm Colombian workers. Impacts While protests are unlikely to threaten the government or the peace process, they could complicate and draw out talks. In guerrilla-controlled areas, the government will strive to show it is capable of providing order and prosperity. Colombian protests will have no direct impact on TPP talks but may be an indicator of trouble ahead in countries that are party to the deal.


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