scholarly journals Gender and the European Union

Gender discrimination continues to be a reality in several parts of the world, also in Europe. The aim of this book is to provide an overview of both European Union’s (EU) gender policies and gender balance in EU institutions. It does so by looking at gender equality policies and the EU legal system concerning gender equality, women’s representation within diff erent institutions (and more particularly in the European External Action Service), gender rights as a type of human rights and the EU’s role in the external promotion of womens’ rights in third countries. The analysis shows that women’s representation in the EU institutions has increased in the last decades and that the EU has strengthened its att ention to gender rights in its external relations as well, however the results of both att empts are far from being fully satisfactory.

Author(s):  
Cristina Churruca Muguruza ◽  
Felipe Gómez Isa

The promise of the Lisbon Treaty to put human rights, democracy, and the rule of law at the centre of all external action led to renew the EU’s efforts to frame an effective response to the challenges that human rights and democracy face worldwide. A Strategic Framework and Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy was adopted in June 2012 followed by a second Action Plan for 2015–2019. The Action Plans looked to increase the coherence and complementarity of all the tools that support human rights and democracy across the world. This chapter first analyses the objectives and priorities that guide the EU human rights and democratisation policy and the specific tools and instruments developed by the EU to implement them. Then it sheds light on the opportunities and challenges posed by the human rights and democratisation policy using as an example some of the questions raised in the relations between the EU and Egypt, a country under the European Neighbourhood Policy. This case shows that to effectively promote and defend human rights and democracy would mean first of all integrating consistently their promotion in the different EU policies involved in a region such as development, migration, security, counter-terrorism, women’s rights and gender equality, enlargement, and trade. The chapter concludes that the EU should strive to keep its commitment and not to conceal its values in order to be a leading actor in the field of human rights.


Author(s):  
Christopher Hill ◽  
Michael Smith ◽  
Sophie Vanhoonacker

This chapter summarizes the volume's major findings and revisits the three perspectives on the European Union: as a system of international relations, as a participant in wider international processes, and as a power in the world. It also considers the usefulness of the three main theoretical approaches in international relations as applied to the EU's external relations: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Furthermore, it emphasizes three things which it is clear the EU is not, in terms of its international role: it is not a straightforward ‘pole’ in a multipolar system; it is not merely a subordinate subsystem of Western capitalism, and/or a province of an American world empire, as claimed by both the anti-globalization movement and the jihadists; it is not a channel by which political agency is surrendering to the forces of functionalism and globalization. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the EU's positive contributions to international politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-443
Author(s):  
Friederike Beier ◽  
Gülay Çağlar

Since more than a decade, the EU is confronted with a number of crises that significantly changed the environment under which the EU operates in the field of gender equality. Evidence shows, that in many European countries, the different crises have led to a deprioritisation of gender equality policies. However, the way in which the new Gender Action Plan for External Relations 2015–2020 of the European Union addresses and operationalises gender equality suggests in contrast a policy shift towards an intensified commitment and more comprehensive understanding of gender. Against this background, this article analyses, first, how the content and the conceptual orientation of gender equality policies in European Union’s external relations have changed in the light of post-crisis recommendations. Second, the article scrutinises the ways in which the European Union tries to tackle the credibility crisis through increasingly intensified and operationalised policy procedures. The argument put forth is that the gender-related indicators in the Gender Action Plan translate complex societal processes into a technical data-based framework and thereby depoliticise gender equality by simulating a technocratic, evidence-based and quantified form of politics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Duke

AbstractThe Lisbon Treaty may well be on ice, may perhaps even be moribund, but there remain compelling reasons to think through the identified shortcomings of the European Union in external relations. Many of the innovations in the area of external relations that are contained in the treaty are dependent upon ratification by the EU's member states, but some are not; the European External Action Service (EEAS) falls into the latter category. Although the actual implementation of the EEAS will face formidable hurdles, as has been outlined in this contribution, the exercise of thinking through these challenges is essential if the EU and its members are to begin grappling with many of the issues examined in this special issue — ranging from the role of national diplomats in today's world to the successful pursuit of structural diplomacy and the effectiveness of the EU in multilateral organizations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Mills

AbstractIn the European Union, private international law has almost exclusively been developed through the adoption of internal acts (particularly EU Regulations) in the pursuit of internal goals (principally, enhancing the efficient functioning of the internal market, and more recently and broadly the construction of an area of freedom, security and justice). This focus has and must come under challenge in light of two developments. The first is the apparent establishment of EU exclusive external competence in the field of private international law, creating the opportunity for external action by the EU. The second is the increased recognition that internal action by the EU has external effects, which should be viewed not merely as incidental but also as potentially instruments of external policy. In conjunction, these developments demand consideration of what role private international law could and should play as part of EU external relations. This article critically examines a range of possible techniques which might be adopted in relation to this new external dimension of EU private international law. These methods are not necessarily unique to private international law or the EU, and thus this article also provides a case study of the range of legal techniques which can be used by international actors to project policies externally.


Author(s):  
Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon ◽  
Kendall D. Funk

Despite national gains, women’s representation at the subnational level has not increased much over time. In this chapter, Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon and Kendall D. Funk present and analyze original data on subnational legislatures and executives in Latin America. They examine the determinants of women’s representation in legislative and executive office and show that institutions and cross-arena diffusion are key explanations. Escobar-Lemmon and Funk show that women in local executive and legislative offices have worked to promote gender equality and women’s issues and worked to transform political arenas in ways that make them less biased toward women. They do, however, point out some significant challenges for gender equality in subnational politics—women are not getting into local executive offices to the same extent as they are legislative offices, subnational party politics has not been friendly to women, and gender balance is far from assured in local judiciaries and bureaucracies.


In the past thirty years, women’s representation and gender equality has developed unevenly in Latin America. Some countries have experienced large increases in gender equality in political offices, whereas others have not, and even within countries, some political arenas have become more gender equal whereas others continue to exude intense gender inequality. These patterns are inconsistent with explanations of social and cultural improvements in gender equality leading to improved gender equality in political office. Gender and Representation in Latin America argues instead that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions and the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries and that these challenges matter for the number of women and men elected to office, what they do once there, how much power they gain access to, and how their presence and actions influence democracy and society more broadly. The book draws upon the expertise of top scholars of women, gender, and political institutions in Latin America to analyze the institutional and contextual causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. It does this in part I with chapters that analyze gender and political representation regionwide in each of five different “arenas of representation”—the presidency, cabinets, national legislatures, political parties, and subnational governments. In part II, it provides chapters that analyze gender and representation in each of seven different countries—Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. The authors bring novel insights and impressive new data to their analyses, helping to make this one of the most comprehensive books on gender and political representation in Latin America today.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Duke

Summary Following a difficult birth, the European External Action Service (EEAS) is now a much scrutinized reality. Much of the analysis has concentrated on its quasi-institutional nature, its relations with the principal external action actors in the European Union and beyond, as well as the question of its legal capacity. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to the important training dimensions, which are critical to the smooth development of the Service, especially considering the disparate backgrounds of EEAS constituents. This article argues that there is no ‘one-size-fits-all’ solution to the training dilemma. Differentiation rather than standardization, within the constraints of a programme (rather than a full-blown European Diplomatic Academy), will be the salient features of the first years of training in the EEAS. It is also argued that training can be a key strategic tool for the Service’s development and, more generally, the external relations of the EU itself.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gill Kirton

This article brings the neglected topic of small professional unions into the women and unions literature. In addition to an overview of women’s representation and gender equality strategies in small professional UK unions, it offers a contextually grounded analysis of barriers and enablers of women’s participation in Napo – the union representing professional workers in the probation service. The article identifies several enablers: healthy levels of women’s representation over a long period of time; presence and longevity of gender equality strategies; a strong occupational identity; occupational values that complement those of unionism. However, a highly pressured work environment and hostile industrial relations climate create lived insecurities, work–life imbalance and time poverty, which have constrained women professionals’ union participation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Spehar

The European Union (EU) is one of the world’s most important policy promoters for gender equality. This article examines the benefits and limitations of EU gender equality policy making in two Western Balkan countries, Croatia and FYR Macedonia. Besides analyzing specific gender policy developments that can be attributed to the EU, particular focus is put on the women’s movement activists’ perceptions of the impact that accession may have on women and gender equality. The study demonstrates that while the Croatian and Macedonian EU accession processes have been beneficial to the introduction of new gender legislation and institutional mechanisms for the advancement of gender equality, the EU gender strategy has also shown serious limitations. Among these—and perhaps the most fundamental—is the strong contrast between stated goals and their actual implementation. I argue that unless profound institutional changes as well as changes in political culture take place in Croatia and Macedonia, the poor compliance with EU gender equality norms and policies will be hard to overcome.


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