international role
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2021 ◽  
Vol 106 (6) ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Kira Godovanyuk ◽  

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.


2021 ◽  
pp. 440-466
Author(s):  
Huiyao Wang

This chapter provides an overview of China’s role in global migration flows, as both one of the largest sources of international migrants and an increasingly popular destination for work, travel, or study. The chapter reviews key trends related to China’s outbound and inbound migration, including geographical distribution, citizenship and visa issues, employment, and other forms of migration. It also summarizes relevant policy and institutional developments, including the recent creation of China’s National Immigration Administration. Finally, the chapter outlines a series of measures to improve migration governance, raise global talent competitiveness, and enhance international cooperation on migration. It is proposed that China play a larger international role in this field and promote a more person-centered approach to global migration governance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-107
Author(s):  
Rebecca Lissner

This chapter examines the Vietnam War. Prior to President Lyndon Johnson’s decision to commit the United States to war in Indochina, the United States was avowedly committed to “pay any price, bear any burden,” in the famous words of President Kennedy’s inaugural address, to stop the spread of Communism around the world. Practically, this commitment required military capabilities that spanned the conflict spectrum, from enhanced counterinsurgency to flexible nuclear options, to check Communist aggression wherever it might occur. Yet warfighting in Vietnam revealed the unsustainability of this approach, prompting a far more limited international role for the U.S. military as local partners were expected to more equitably share the burdens of their own defense and Washington pursued détente with the Soviet Union alongside rapprochement with China.


FEDS Notes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2998) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Bertaut ◽  
◽  
Bastian von Beschwitz ◽  
Stephanie Curcuru ◽  
◽  
...  

For most of the last century, the preeminent role of the U.S. dollar in the global economy has been supported by the size and strength of the U.S. economy, its stability and openness to trade and capital flows, and strong property rights and the rule of law. As a result, the depth and liquidity of U.S. financial markets is unmatched, and there is a large supply of extremely safe dollar-denominated assets.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (7) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Peter Ludlow
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-202
Author(s):  
V. L. Jeifets

The paper examines the foreign policy of Mexico during the first years of President A. M. López Obrador (AMLO) administration (2018‒2020). The research aims to both identify the key priorities of the country’s foreign policy (i.e., relations with the United States and Latin American countries, particularly in the context of the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises, as well as the Central American migration crisis) and to weigh it up against traditional patterns of Mexico’s foreign policy behavior, as well as to assess its overall feasibility. The latter issue is all the more relevant since the center-left administration of AMLO is constantly criticized for its ‘populism’. The paper shows that Mexico continues to prioritize relations with the United States not only in terms of economic cooperation (within the USMCA framework) and in addressing the migration crisis but also in terms of the overall foreign policy agenda setting as well. However, the author emphasizes that although the pressure from the United States is significant and can take various forms, Mexico manages to pursue an independent and multifaceted policy, as the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises have shown. Such a policy is based on the traditional principles that have crystallized during the years of maneuvering between the interests of the great powers and which, according to AMLO and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs, should not be subject to any revision. These principles include non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and respect for their sovereignty, as well as respect for the right to political asylum. It is these principles that may contribute to reinforcing the international role of Mexico both regionally and globally despite a rather limited involvement of the current administration in foreign policy matters and its focus on domestic issues. Thus, the author concludes that beneath the populist rhetoric of A. M. López Obrador lies a fairly traditional foreign policy, warranted by the domestic situation and international environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1 and 2-2018) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Elena Shestopal

The article is based on the results of a study of Russian citizens’ perception of their country. More than 500 in-depth interview and nearly the same number of projective tests from 15 Russian regions became the basis for political-psychological analysis. These data enabled to identify the core features of Russia’s image in Russian mentality. This image includes reflections of authorities, leaders, the population, territory and the international role of the country in the country’s perception. The results confirm the conclusion that territorial expansionism is not typical for Russians. Authorities’ perception is an important component of the country’s image. Citizens' mistrust to the state was revealed. This allows us to suggest that Russian society still has not overcome the negative processes that started in the 1980s and led to a serious complex of “national inferiority” in the post-Soviet period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58859
Author(s):  
Patrícia Oliveira ◽  
Tiago Nery

A partir dos anos 1980, fatores domésticos e sistêmicos contribuíram para que a política externa começasse a incorporar novos atores e temas para além das questões relativas à defesa e à segurança. Nesse contexto, a dimensão subnacional da política externa passou a ganhar cada vez mais importância com a atuação de estados e municípios em busca de um maior protagonismo internacional. Em 2020, com o surto global do coronavírus, essa atuação tem ganhado destaque pela incessante busca de parcerias internacionais para combater a doença, muitas vezes contrariando o governo federal, cuja atuação tem sido marcada pela falta de coordenação e até mesmo pelo conflito entre a União e os entes federativos. De natureza qualitativa, esse artigo utilizará fontes primárias e secundárias a fim de compreender a política externa subnacional voltada para o combate à pandemia.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; paradiplomacia; coronavírus. ABSTRACTSince the 1980s, domestic and systemic factors contributed to the incorporation of new actors and themes in addition to defense and security issues at the foreign policy agenda. In this context, the action of states and municipalities searching for a greater international role result in a growth of importance of the subnational dimension of foreign policy. In 2020, with the global outbreak of coronavirus, this performance has gained prominence due to the subnational governments incessant search for international partnerships to fight the disease, often contradicting the federal government, whose performance has been marked by the lack of coordination and even by the conflict between the Union and federative entities. As a qualitative research, this article will use primary and secondary sources in order to understand the subnational foreign policy aimed at combating the pandemic.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy; paradiplomacy; coronavirus. Recebido em: 01 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 20 mai. 2021.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fauzia Darabu, Prof. Dr. Sayeda Daud

Pakistan has a long history of economic and political instability despite being an ally of the west. All national and external decisions were dependent on the interests of these powers. Pakistan never had the opportunity to establish either a strong democratic government or to pursue any independent, foreign relations since 1947specially during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, in December, 1979. Despite of sacrificing lives of many of her citizens during the War on Terror after 9/11, instead of appreciation form the West especially the US, Pakistan was labeled as a terrorist and an extremist Muslim Country. Kept isolated from the International Community, Pakistan was left no choice but to look for a more regional ally with common interests. Joining hands with China, the most trusted friend and an economic giant, seemed the only option. In this way, Pakistan hoped to play a better international role by having relations with all players in the region. To find out the root causes of these problems, a Qualitative Research Method was applied for a descriptive, in-depth critical analysis by, reliable and authentic primary and secondary sources. This research has made an attempt to clarify the risks and the stance of US as a stake holder; China-Pakistan relations, especially in the context of CPEC. The research has tried to highlight the importance of a state’s self-reliance and freedom to have an independent foreign policy of a developing country like Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Michaela Hoenicke Moore

This chapter focuses on ordinary Americans, central figures in a foreign policy conditioned by democratic politics and popular opinion. It offers another look at World War II and its legacies with a view to broader societal debates about America's role in the world, highlighting the tension between grand strategy and democracy. Ordinary citizens were part of these debates to a much greater extent than is generally acknowledged. Apart from opinion and election polls, citizen voices have often been shunned by politicians and scholars, who have dismissed them as ineffective and marginal, deplored them as racist or sectarian, and criticized them as isolationist or detrimental to American strategic interests. Attending to what citizens had to say about their country's international role, especially over the course of the transformative 1940s, brings unsettling questions into clearer focus: what purpose and whose interests do grand visions of foreign policy serve?


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