scholarly journals The intonation of Italian verbless exclamatives

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrizia Sorianello
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Experimental Results ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Speech Corpus ◽  
Grammatical Subject ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Subject

The present study aims to explore the prosodic properties of Italian verbless exclamatives (VEs), particular sentence structures without wh-quantifier and copula. A speech corpus formed by 250 VEs uttered by five subjects of a Southern variety of Italian was analyzed. The experimental results proved that VEs have a marked prosodic structure typically made up by two opposed constituents. The preposed predicative phrase is characterized by a salient intonation contour, while the grammatical subject is marginalized and shows a monotonous f0 pattern. The information structure is fixed too: the predicative constituent carries the new information, thus contrasting with the subject that expresses a given content.

The syntax, information structure, and prosody of German ‘VP’-fronting

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-283
Author(s):  
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld ◽  
Anya Lunden
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
High Tone ◽  
New Information ◽  
Verb Phrases ◽  
Vp Fronting ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Right ◽  
Definiteness Effect

Abstract This paper explores fronted verb phrases in German, drawing attention to the difference between passive/unaccusative VPs and fronted agentive vPs. While both kinds of verb phrases have been discussed in the literature as being frontable, it has been largely overlooked that fronted vPs typically come with a certain kind of post-fronting context and a rise-fall or bridge-contour intonation, which is characteristic of I-topicalization. We observe that, unlike VPs, agentive vPs essentially need to be I-topics, with a high tone at the right edge of the fronted domain, in order to be frontable. Given the special context required for fronted vPs, the situation described by the vP does not contain new information but must already have been under discussion and is now being commented on. We present the results of two experimental studies and appeal to the thetic/categorical distinction to offer a new angle on the definiteness effect that has been associated with fronted verb phrases. We propose that a subject-containing fronted vP is associated with a thetic rather than the default categorical judgment, which means that the fronted subject and predicate form only one information-structural unit (a topic) rather than two (topic and comment). Contributing to the literature on theticity, we observe that, unlike in non-fronting thetic statements, the subject in fronted vPs cannot be a true definite. We attribute this to clashing intonation restrictions on theticity in non-fronting constructions versus theticity in just the fronted portion of a sentence.

scholarly journals Locative Inversion as an Alternation Phenomenon in Setswana: The Case of Lexical Functional Grammar Theory

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Setumile Morapedi
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Functional Grammar ◽  
Structure Approach ◽  
Syntactic Structures ◽  
Lexical Functional Grammar ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Locative Inversion

The paper has examined locative inversion constructions in Setswana, showing that the pre-posed locative phrase in these constructions is not the subject as it is viewed by other linguists in the literature. It has been argued, in this paper, that locative phrase occurs in the sentence initial position to perform the topic function which sets the scene for the focused noun phrase that alternates with it (locative phrase). The analysis has been achieved through information structure approach, showing the locative phrase that occurs in sentence initial position is a discourse phenomenon showing given information, and that the focused post-verbal noun phrase is new information that is emphasised on. Also, an appeal is made to Lexical Functional Grammar Approach to explain different ways of representing syntactic structures such as constituent structure and the functional structure.

scholarly journals Word order in wh-questions in a North Norwegian dialect: some evidence from an acquisition study

2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marit Richardsen Westergaard
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Standard Language ◽  
New Information ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
The Subject

While standard Norwegian is a V2 language, some Norwegian dialects exhibit V3 in certain types of wh-questions. In some previous work on the Tromsø dialect, V3 has been considered the ‘true’ dialect and speakers' acceptance of V2 simply a result of the influence from the standard language. Based on child and adult data from a study of the acquisition of word order in the Tromsø dialect, I will argue that both V2 and V3 orders are part of the dialect – used by adult speakers and acquired (more or less) simultaneously by children. It will further be argued that the choice between the two depends on the information structure of the sentence, more specifically, on the interpretation of the subject as given or new information.

Can familiarity lessen the effect of locality? A case study of Mandarin Chinese subjects and the following adverbials

2015 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chunshan Xu ◽  
Haitao Liu
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Word Frequency ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Activation Level ◽  
New Information ◽  
Information Status ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Chinese Subjects

AbstractThis paper explores the relation between familiarity of Chinese subjects and the syntactic distance. We propose two hypotheses: (1) contextually given Mandarin Chinese subjects are more likely to be used with long intervening adverbials than contextually new subjects; and (2) subjects with higher word frequency are more likely to be followed by long adverbials than those with lower word frequency. The data from two Mandarin Chinese treebanks provide supportive evidence for the first hypothesis, but not the second. Cognitively, this is probably due to the possibility that contextual givenness, which reflects familiarity, may lessen the effect of locality by increasing the activation level (the accessibility) of the subject and rendering these subjects less susceptible to the memory decay caused by the adverbials intervening between them and the predicate verbs. Subjects are usually the starting point of a sentence, which has a default given–new information structure. Therefore, when organizing a sentence, we are dominantly concerned with the information status (contextual givenness) relative to previous context when choosing the subjects, which may partly accounts for the observed irrelevance between word frequency and the use of adverbials. A sentence is structured based on the information status of the subjects, not their word frequency.

Processing subject focus across two Spanish varieties

Probus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-127
Author(s):  
Bradley Hoot ◽  
Tania Leal
Keyword(s):  
Language Processing ◽  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Experimental Results ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Reading Task ◽  
New Information ◽  
Basic Facts

AbstractLinguists have keenly studied the realization of focus – the part of the sentence introducing new information – because it involves the interaction of different linguistic modules. Syntacticians have argued that Spanish uses word order for information-structural purposes, marking focused constituents via rightmost movement. However, recent studies have challenged this claim. To contribute sentence-processing evidence, we conducted a self-paced reading task and a judgment task with Mexican and Catalonian Spanish speakers. We found that movement to final position can signal focus in Spanish, in contrast to the aforementioned work. We contextualize our results within the literature, identifying three basic facts that theories of Spanish focus and theories of language processing should explain, and advance a fourth: that mismatches in information-structural expectations can induce processing delays. Finally, we propose that some differences in the existing experimental results may stem from methodological differences.

scholarly journals Variables in Globular Clusters, the Common and the Rare

1973 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
Helen Sawyer Hogg
Keyword(s):  
Globular Clusters ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Common

The title of this talk is really just a different phrasing from one I have used at several IAU meetings on the subject of numbers and kinds of variables in globular clusters. To furnish this material, I have finished the Third Catalogue of Variables in Globular Clusters. Since many of you are coming to this Colloquium with new information, the Catalogue is in draft form with a request that corrections and additions be given me by October 2, after which the draft will go to the printer.The First Catalogue of Variables in Globular Clusters was published at this observatory in 1939 and the Second Catalogue in 1955. In 1966 appeared the excellent Catalogue of Variables South of Declination—29° by Fourcade, Laborde and Albarracin, with splendid large prints of identification charts.

St’át'imcets intonation contours: a preliminary study

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-155
Author(s):  
Marion Caldecott
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Northwest Coast ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Intonational Meaning ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Preliminary Study ◽  
Interior Salish

AbstractAcoustic research on the prosody and intonation of Northwest Coast languages has until recently been under-researched. This paper joins the growing body of research on the subject and reports on the results of the first study of intonation in St’át'imcets (Lillooet Salish; Northern Interior Salish). It tests the generalization proposed by Davis (2007) that information structure is not correlated with prosody in Salish languages by comparing the intonation contours of declaratives and yes/no questions. Specifically, I ask two questions: is nuclear accent rightmost? And are yes/no questions associated with higher pitch, as predicted by the Universality of Intonational Meaning? Results are comparable to those reported for other Salish languages, namely Koch (2008, 2011) on Nɬeʔkepmxcín, Jacobs (2007) on Skwxwú7mesh and Benner (2004, 2006) and Leonard (2011) on SENĆOŦEN. Nuclear accent is associated with the rightmost stressed vowel, regardless of focus, and while no speaker signals yes/no questions with a final rise, each has higher pitch within typologically common parameters.

Rheme before theme in the noun phrase

2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 894-915
Author(s):  
Carlotta Viti
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
New Information ◽  
Prague School

Information structure in the noun phrase remains unexplored or limited to the study of the s-form and the of-form in English, which are interpreted from the perspective of the Prague School. Accordingly, the prenominal s-form is chosen if the possessor expresses old information; conversely, if the possessor expresses new information, the postnominal of-form is preferred. Ancient Greek, however, indicates that this is not the sole pattern attested. In our data, drawn from Herodotus, a postposed genitive refers to the topic of the immediately preceding clauses, and has no semantically compatible referent around it. Preposed genitives denote new or discontinuous participants, and are used in contrastive and emphatic contexts. In this case, the principle “rheme before theme” can be identified.

Structures and phase transitions in barium sodium niobate tungsten bronze (BNN)

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Whittle ◽  
Christopher J. Howard ◽  
Siegbert Schmid
Keyword(s):  
Phase Transitions ◽  
Room Temperature ◽  
Tungsten Bronze ◽  
Standard Setting ◽  
Experimental Results ◽  
Temperature Structure ◽  
Sodium Niobate ◽  
Tetragonal Tungsten Bronze ◽  
Space Group ◽  
The Subject

The room-temperature structure of the filled tetragonal tungsten bronze, Ba2NaNb5O15 (BNN), has been the subject of a number of studies, and these studies have given an almost corresponding number of different results. From a group theoretical examination of the different possibilities and a review of the published experimental results we conclude that the room-temperature structure is that proposed by Labbé et al. [J. Phys. Condens. Matter (1989), 2, 25–43] in the space group Bbm2 (Ama2 in standard setting) on a 2\sqrt{2}a × \sqrt{2}a × 2c cell. Upon heating, the structure remains ferroelectric but becomes tetragonal (space group P4bm) at 550 K, then paraelectric (space group P4/mbm) at and above 860 K.

Immunochemical Investigation of the Serum Proteins in Chick Embryos

Development ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-688
Author(s):  
F. Peetoom ◽  
W. J. A. TH. Kraijenhoff Sloot ◽  
M. W. Woerdeman
Keyword(s):  
Serum Proteins ◽  
Experimental Results ◽  
Chick Embryos ◽  
Lens Proteins ◽  
Embryonic Antigens ◽  
Specific Antisera ◽  
Precipitation Band ◽  
Immunochemical Investigation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Chick Lens

The use of specific antisera against different embryonic antigens to detect a correlation between morphological and immunochemical differentiation in ontogenesis has proved to be a valuable technique. In a study of the appearance of lens proteins in chick embryos, using various antisera and agar precipitation methods, we observed the development of precipitation lines which did not correspond to specific lens proteins. These lines were encountered in the Ouchterlony and immunoelectrophoretic pictures obtained with young (up to 120 hr.) embryo or lens extracts when these were tested with antiserum to 24-hr, embryo extract or to adult chick serum. However, this type of precipitation band was never found when antiserum against adult chick lens was used. Some of our experimental results which clarify the nature of these precipitation reactions are summarized below. Full details of these experiments are the subject of another publication.

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