Polska polityka wschodnia w świetle teorii realizmu. Zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa państwa polskiego w latach 1989-2014

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Wojciech Łysek

The main purpose of the article is to present Polish eastern policy as motivated by a threat to state security. It was assumed that it is a continuation of the concepts referred to as „the Jagiellonian idea” and the sources of the threat are located beyond the eastern border of the Republic of Poland. In the conducted analysis, a realistic perspective was used as the one that best characterizes the political situation in Poland’s eastern neighborhood.

2001 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Lerner

As a result of the Mexican Revolution, many politicians from various factions were forced into exile between 1906 and 1940, particularly between 1910 and 1920. The subject has merited little attention until the present despite the fact that its study can provide another perspective on the Mexican Revolution, the one of the opponents who were defeated. This study focuses on the exile of the villistas that began in the autumn of 1915 and ended at the beginning of the 1920s. The article considers who were the villista exiles, how they escaped from Mexico, how they adapted economically in the United States, and when they returned to their country. It also examines certain political tendencies and their later activities between 1920 and 1940. Four political activities in the United States intended to change the political situation in Mexico are considered. Finally, the article examines how U.S. authorities, closely involved with their Mexican counterparts, treated the exiles. LaRevolucióón mexicanacausóó elexilio de muchos polííticos de distintas facciones entre 1906 y 1940, sobre todo entre 1910 y 1920. Este tema ha merecido muy pocaatencióón hasta elmomento presente,a pesarde que atravéés de éélpodemos aproximarnos desde otra perpectiva a la Revolucióón mexicana, desde el punto de vista de los opositores que muchas veces fueron los vencidos. Este estudio se centra en el exilio de los villistas que empezóó en el otoñño de 1915 y terminóó a principios de la déécada de 1920. En este artíículo se analiza quiéénes fueron los exiliados villistas, cóómo escaparon de Mééxico, su acomodo econóómico y laboral en Estados Unidos y el retorno a su patria, dejando ver ciertas tendencias polííticas de su actuacióónpolíítica ulterior entre 1920y 1940.Se desmenuzan cuatro actividades polííticas que emprendieron en Estados Unidos para cambiar la situacióón mexicana. Finalmente se abarca la forma en que fueron tratados durante su exilio en los Estados Unidos, por las autoridades de este paíís que estaban estrechamente vinculadas con las mexicanas.


1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-370
Author(s):  
Elmer D. Graper

Although two general elections were held in Germany during 1924, the political situation remained confused. The election of May resulted in gains for both the extreme right and the extreme left; the one of December registered a reaction against both extremes. However, neither of these contests was sufficiently conclusive to indicate clearly the direction in which the currents of public opinion were moving. The result has been a remarkable series of cabinet crises, the latest of which it took more than a month to settle.


Author(s):  
Mohamad Latief ◽  
Mifedwil Jandra

This research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional. AbstractThis research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional.


Author(s):  
Archil S. Balakhvantsev

The issue of the borders of Caucasian Albania in the ancient period has long been discussed in the literature, and the inability of researchers from different countries to come to an agreed solution is explained not so much by the state of the sources as by the high degree of politicization of the problem. The only thing that unites the most disagreeing authors with each other is their resolute confidence in the invariability of the borders of Caucasian Albania throughout antiquity. However, we have no reason to speak of an “eternal and unchanging” border along the Kura, Aras or Alazani. Albania's borders were constantly changing in the wake of changes in the balance of power between it and its neighbors: Media Atropatena, Armenia and Iberia. In the future, the political situation in Transcaucasia and the configuration of borders were increasingly influenced by the struggle of the two superpowers of the Ancient World – the Rome and Iran – for domination in the Middle East. Thus, the establishment of the border between Armenia and Albania along the Kura is associated with the signing of the Nisibis peace between Diocletian and Narses. The only “eternal” was the eastern border along the Caspian Sea, but it also in the 4th–2nd centuries BC underwent major changes. Further clarification of the borders of Albania is possible only on the basis of an in-depth and honest analysis of the ancient narrative tradition and an ever-growing array of archaeological data, free from following the political conjuncture.


Author(s):  
Callie Williamson

During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-155

The article deals with the way the ruler of Communist Romania from 1965 to 1989 Nicolae Ceaușescu used various national and international celebrations in order to forge his cult of personality that exceeded even the one of his predecessor, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. The author focuses especially on the following celebrations like the National Day – 23rd of August (1944), the Day of the Republic – 30th of December (1947), the second being a kind of the second National Day; as well as May 1 – the international Workers’ Day. The celebrations and the way they were used are contextualized in relation to the political, ideological and international dimensions of the Communist regime in Romania from mid 1960s to the late 1989.


Author(s):  
D G Mihailichenko ◽  
E V Sobolev

The article focuses on peculiarities of the political culture of habitants of middle and big cities in the Republic of Bashkortostan. Economic distinctions of the region, its multyethnicity and religious diversity allows to apply conclusions on the state as a whole. Based on sociological data and historical analysis the authors revealed the genesis of the subjective type of political culture in the middle and big cities of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The authors also examine such peculiarities of the culture of townsmen as low protest potential, political indifference, alienating type of behavior, absence of critical attitude to information. The authors analyze the principal problems that city’s habitants faced in the conditions of economic and political transformation and how the subjective type of culture impedes to resolve these problems in a positive way. Such problems of the cities are pointed out as deindustrialization, depopulation, the ageing of the population and decline in living standards. Despite the worsening economic and social situation of residents of the big and average cities of Bashkortostan, growth of protest moods among them it is not observed, and most of citizens as show data of sociological polls, keep loyalty to the government at the regional and federal level. The authors' point of view is that the type of the political culture of the habitants causes the loyalty. In the conclusion, the authors show the perspective of the cities, the contradiction in state policy that initiates the civic engagement on the one hand but demands on the political loyalty on the other hand.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 77-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Snjezana Mrdjen

The issue of ethnicity was set in all censuses of SFRY, as well as in the first censuses in countries that were created after its disintegration. When analyzing the censuses it can be concluded that it is a changeable category. Not only was the manner of forming the question in censuses changing, but also the number of categories of nationality and their order in published census' results. It depended on state policy and the political situation preceding the censuses. Since the answer on the issues of ethnicity is a subjective criterion, and it was written down according to the freely declared statement of the residents, guaranteed by the Constitution. It has often happened that same individuals have declared themselves differently from one census to another, and also some categories of ethnicity have vanished and some others were created. Although in SFRY nations and ethnicities were equal, still indirectly in published results, existence of these two categories was indicated. But, in newly created countries, the manner of forming the question of ethnicity was changed, their number and order were also changed and the notion of 'minority' was again introduced, indicating, beyond doubt, a different status of nationality (except the majority) from the one in the former Yugoslavia.


Author(s):  
K. Safronov

In the run-up of the forthcoming presidential election scheduled for the end of 2018 the political situation in the Republic of Madagascar is worsening. The incumbent president Hery Rajaonarimampianina is being accused of possessing levers of influence on judiciary. However, in the author’s opinion, most of the citizens support the president, and the prospects of political development to a significant degree are dependent on the present socioeconomic situation on the island. Risks of mass protests are quite low. The paper acknowledges the effectiveness of economic policy pursued by the executive power. The current financial situation, as a whole, meets expectations, and the positive results of a budget execution are obvious.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Josip Jagodar

Vukovar is the city in the East Croatia on the border with the Republic of Serbia. In the paper I attempt to show the development of the city, the composition of its population and the relationships between ethnic groups from establishing of Vukovar until the beginning of the Homeland war in 1991. The paper presents the history of the Croat majority and the minorities which were, and which are, present in the city: the Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Rusyns, Ukrainians, Yews and the Slovaks. From the beginning Vukovar was a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional city thanks to migrations which were present since its establishing, in which the Croats were the majority. After the WWI a large number of Serbs immigrated into this area. The political situation gave them benefits which earlier belonged to Germans and Hungarians. They gained power to rule the city. It became the source of constant tensions between the Serbian and Croatian population in the period of Yugoslavia (1918-1941) and during the WWII (1941-1944). Although the communist Yugoslav authorities were trying to pacify interethnic differences, the escalation of nationalisms brought about the siege and the capture of Vukovar in 1991 by the Serbian troops.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document