scholarly journals TARGETS OF STRATEGIC DEVELOPMENT OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF UKRAINE UNDER INTEGRATION INTO THE EUROPEAN EDUCATIONAL AREA: SOCIAL AND PERSONAL DIMENSIONS OF CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL INTEGRITY

2020 ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Victor Bondarenko ◽  
Alla Semenova

The authors of the article analyse the social and personal dimensions of the targets of the strategic development of educational policy of Ukraine under integration into the European educational space in their cultural and historical integrity. On the examples of comparison of foreign experience, achievements of modern progressive democracies, it is explained that the path of Ukrainian state formation determines the need for optimal civilizational choice of priorities, based on which - education and upbringing of the nation. It is shown that in contrast to the EU, where the strategic basis in the field of education and training is determined by teachers, in Ukraine the problem of teacher training, deepening the content of their education, decent financial rewards, etc. is not only obvious but also glaring. Further integration of the country into the world economic and cultural space encourages the synchronization of the Ukrainian education with European. It is proved that the issues of concretization of value content and development of methodology for training competent specialists in the field of educational policy for Ukraine, on the one hand, and personal and professional selection, training for work in the field of state education policy - on the other are important. The necessity of creating an educational and research institution in Ukraine - the Institute for Educational Policy Research - is substantiated.

Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg

At a first glance, to many observers the EU may appear to be an improbable illustration of the possibility of an extension of legitimacy and democratic justice beyond the state. In contemporary European constitutional debate constitutionalism and social democracy have become antagonists, with the survival of the one seeming to require sacrifice of the other. Authors in the tradition of ordoliberalism have celebrated the Europeanization process because it seemed to ultimately disconnect constitutionalism from democratic practice and to firmly entrench a logic of market evolution that marginalizes politics. Social democrats, by contrast, have come to believe that democracy can only flourish if the solidary politics of the nation retains its sovereignty against cosmopolitan, ‘constitutional’ intrusions from without. Proposals to deepen constitutional integration therefore give rise to the social-democratic objection. This chapter offers a stylized account of both views, which more or less mirror one another. This chapter then also provides an in-depth analysis of the CJEU’s jurisprudence in various domains regarding the efficacy of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (CFREU) in European private law: employment law and unfair terms in consumer contracts in particular. The chapter concludes that, contrary to expectations and concerns about a constitutional asymmetry between economic freedoms and fundamental social rights, the CJEU has in fact in many cases raised the standard of protection beyond the standard envisaged by national legal orders, thereby unblocking development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-420
Author(s):  
Catherine Jacqueson

Free movement should in theory enable individuals to fight poverty at home by finding employment in another Member State. Yet, free movement is not always that easy and can in practice lead to social dumping in specific sectors where posted workers ultimately push salaries to the bottom. Such a race to the bottom might also arise outside a free movement context when workers are falsely qualified as self-employed thus undercutting wages. This article argues that EU economic law both creates risks of social dumping and remedies them. It calls for a rebalancing of the liberal ethos of the principle of free movement and competition law on the one hand, and the social objectives of the EU, on the other hand. A key question is whether it is possible to redress the balance between the economic and the social from within the internal market logic or whether the social push has to come from outside.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-33
Author(s):  
Enikő Vincze

Abstract I am proposing to use the term EUfication to define the process of creating the EU as territory out of the geographical disparities (re)produced across the core and periphery of Europe. The article contends that EUfication is a manifestation of the phenomenon of spatial fix. In a first step, it describes the dynamics of territorial unevenness within the EU: on the one hand, by some relevant socio-economic cohesion data compiled from Eurostat indicators, and – on the other hand – through the diagnosis on spatial injustice in different Member States, as it was revealed by a comparative research conducted between 2017-2019. Furthermore, my analysis explains territorial unevenness by reconstructing the well-known historical formation of the union through a less acknowledged perspective, i.e., in the context of the changing regimes of capital accumulation. The article concludes that the theory of spatial fix allows us recognizing: the position and timing, from which and when different countries took part in the process of EUfication is a factor leading to the persistence of uneven territorial development among the European core and periphery. My contribution to theorizing on this process consists in bringing together the perspective of the spatial fix with the critical analysis of how is the social dimension paradigm overshadowed by the economic concern of capital accumulation in the socio-economic governance of the European Single Market, including the politics of territorial cohesion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Julia Everitt

Despite the move to state education, policy-makers since the early 1900s have encouraged the community, external agencies, private companies, employers and voluntary organisations to become involved in schools. The rationales for these collaborations are to address issues (e.g., delinquency, neglect, underachievement and low family support), which will be tackled through activities (e.g., extra-curricular clubs and one-to-one support) and to focus on the social aspects of schooling of wider audiences (e.g., adults). These activities are deemed as beneficial through implementation which is perceived to be issue free. Research is lacking with regard to how these policy responses are played out in practice and the perceptions of those involved. This paper reveals the individuals involved in four case study schools using an audit pro-forma, documentary analysis and interviews with school staff and external agencies. The findings highlight that several individuals were expected to deliver former statutory provision for free, but quality was a concern. Individuals may perceive that their activities contribute to the national curriculum, but staff had different perceptions. This paper reveals how policies are directing the individuals involved and their activities. There are questions over whose interests are intended to be served and the implications for pupils, parents, schools, communities and politicians.


2015 ◽  
pp. 34-63
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Szewior

The aim of the paper is to present the essence of the social crisis in Europe at the European Union, national and regional level. Article uses the research methods of the social science, particularly from the field of social policy. Research results indicate that in the EU there is social differentiation, which became stronger after 2008. This social differentiation can be called a social crisis. It is also apparent that the EU has failed to permanently build a cohesive social area.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Per-Olov Johansson ◽  
Bengt Kriström

In this note we discuss how to estimate the social discount rate when banks have market power. Some data from Sweden are used to illustrate the approach. If other investments are crowded out, the implied social discount rate is around 7 percent, i.e. more or less equal to the one suggested by Burgess and Zerbe (2011) for the U.S. but similar to those often used in the EU (3-4 percent) if private consumption is crowded out by the considered investment.


2008 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen W. Raudenbush

Understanding the impact of “instructional regimes” on student learning is central to advancing educational policy. Research on instructional regimes has parallels with clinical trials in medicine yet poses unique challenges because of the social nature of instruction: A child’s potential outcome under a given regime depends on peers and teachers, requiring the need for multilevel methods of causal inference. The author considers studies of the impact of intended versus experienced instructional regimes. Both are important; however, intended regimes are well measured and accessible to randomized trials, whereas experienced instruction is measured with error and not amenable to randomization. Multiyear sequences of experienced instruction are of central interest but pose special methodological challenges. A 2-year study of intensive mathematics instruction illustrates these ideas.


1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.


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