scholarly journals THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC CONTROL IN BUILDING A DEMOCRATIC STATE BASED ON THE RULE OF LAW AND THE FORMATION OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND IN THE MANAGEMENT OF SOCIETY

2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Jaloliddin Ne'matjonovich Polvanov ◽  

This article discusses the formation of views on a democratic state governed by the rule of law and civil society. The article also discusses the state guarantees and support for the protection of non-governmental organizations. In legal democracies, strong governance is largely the responsibility of civil society institutions. At the same time, the direct participation of the public in the implementation of governance will be expanded. A self-governing society is based on strong non-governmental structures.

Sociologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Vukovic

It is often assumed that vibrant civil society is precondition for democracy, government accountability and rule of law. Following this assumption, international development agencies, civil society organizations and even governments are participating in activities aiming for the social accountability, that is, accountability of governments towards societies. In this article I am analyzing activities of prominent Serbian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the field of fostering government accountability. The analysis focuses on their ability to shift the balance of social and political power away from the state. The analysis is primarily based on empirical data collected through a series of in-depth interviews with representatives of NGOs. It reveals that NGOs follow policy-not-politics, that is, a depoliticized approach, that they target individual citizens and not social groups and nurture relationships with state institutions and public officials with whom they cooperate. They demonstrate a weak ability to (1) initiate wider civic mobilization or (2) establish solid institutional preconditions for government accountability. Thus, available data suggests that Serbian NGOs have weak potential to contest power of the state and thus contribute to strengthening government accountability and rule of law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Onischenko N.

The current state of Ukrainian society requires the scientific community to find answers to the general social impulses needed for reform strategies: from unconstructive attempts to replace the state with civil society to efforts aimed at their balanced interaction. It is the principle of social and political balance in the relationship between the rule of law and civil society should be the basis for correcting and correcting the unstable economic situation, overcoming acute social conflicts, establishing the rule of law, building a democratic state. It should be noted that it is quite clear that sometimes the implementation of a right requires at least not one, but clearly several opportunities, such as: economic, educational, social, gender, etc., existing in the relevant spatio-temporal continuum. Moreover, there is an indisputable thesis that there are no secondary or non-first-class or type of human rights, so every unrealized, not realized in time or not fully realized right, without a doubt, is based on the lack of, first of all, the corresponding real opportunities. It is also clear that the implementation of a certain right depends, for example, on the relevant regulations. we note that state-building processes, their dynamics, progressive trends depend on many factors. In this context, the interconnectedness of the development of a democratic, legal, social, European state and the formation of a mature, active, civil society was considered. Keywords: legal science, legal doctrine, human rights, rights and opportunities, legal development.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gennadiy Pracko

In the textbook, in accordance with the requirements of the curriculum of the course, the basic concepts, categories, current issues concerning theories of state and law. At the same time, attention is focused on the problems state and law in the conditions of the formation and development of civil society and the rule of law. The textbook is intended for law students. This publication can be useful for everyone who is interested in the problems of the state. and rights


Author(s):  
Richard Rose

This chapter discusses the distinction between democratic and undemocratic states, noting that it is not only about whether there are elections: it is about whether or not it there is the rule of law. When both conditions are met, elections are free and fair and the government is accountable to the electorate. When laws can be bent or broken, unfair elections represent the will of governors more than that of the governed. The chapter first defines democratic states and outlines the characteristics of a democratic state before assessing the state of states today. It then considers three kinds of undemocratic states, namely: constitutional oligarchy, plebiscitarian autocracy, and unaccountable autocracy. It also examines how democratization has more often come about by trial and error rather than through gradual evolution and concludes by analysing the dynamics of democratic and undemocratic states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (S1) ◽  
pp. 39-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Kioko

AbstractThe African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance requires state parties to establish and strengthen democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights and independent electoral systems. However, the extent to which these provisions can be invoked by individuals and non-governmental organizations before a court of law is uncertain. It is also unclear whether such provisions guarantee “stand-alone” individual rights and as such whether the charter could be considered to be a human rights instrument. This article seeks to analyse whether the charter is a human rights instrument, as well as examining its justiciability in light of the decision of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in APDH v Côte d'Ivoire. The analysis highlights the court's decision affirming that the charter is a human rights instrument and that individuals and non-governmental organizations can file cases in a court of law seeking its enforcement.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 595-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moore ◽  
Zenzo Moyo

Research on NGOs in rural Zimbabwe suggests that ideas of automatic opposition between ‘civil society’ and/or non-governmental organizations and authoritarian states are too simple. Rather, relations between state and non-state organizations such as those referenced in this article, in the rural district of Mangwe about 200 kilometres south-west of Zimbabwe’s Bulawayo, are symbiotic. This contrasts with urban areas where political histories have led to more contested state-civil society relations in the last two decades, during which social movements with a degree of counter-hegemonic (or counter-regime) aspirations were allied with many NGOs and opposition political parties. Gramsci’s idea of ‘rural intellectuals’ could complement the widely used notion of ‘organic intellectuals’ to examine the members of the intelligentsia appearing to be at one with subordinate groups in the countryside and at odds with the state. Likewise state workers distant from the centre and close to their class peers in NGOs as well as their ‘subjects’ may operate with autonomy from their masters in ruling parties and states to assist, rather than repress, citizens and also to co-operate with NGO workers. This research indicates that discerning how hegemony works across whole state-society complexes is more complicated than usually perceived, given the many regional variations therein.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-280
Author(s):  
T. Imankulov ◽  
T. Kongantiev

The authors analyze the current state of civil society in the Kyrgyz Republic and its contribution to the processes of democratic transformations in the state, including the fight against corruption and constitutional reform. The conclusion is made that some political scientists underestimate the level of development of civil society in the Kyrgyz Republic. The authors analyzed the shortcomings of the draft of the new Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic for their compliance with international standards of the rule of law.


Author(s):  
Inese Grumolte-Lerhe ◽  
◽  
Ainārs Lerhis ◽  

The aim of this article is to analyse the activity of agents of civil society – the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia, which create and disseminate the interpretations of historic milestones of the 20th century. The article demonstrates how factors, which have classically been regarded as characte-ristics for the civil society that is independent from direct interference of the state, become the tools directly controlled by the state. Thus, democratic and rational discussion on milestones of history is dis-torted. Several NGOs disseminate narratives elaborated and supported one-sidedly by the state while pre-sented as independent from it and thus – reliable and sound. The arguments put forward by these agents to justify their claims marginalize alternative views due to their imperative nature.


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