scholarly journals The role of civil society in fostering government accountability in contemporary Serbia: On the limits of depoliticized social activism

Sociologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Vukovic

It is often assumed that vibrant civil society is precondition for democracy, government accountability and rule of law. Following this assumption, international development agencies, civil society organizations and even governments are participating in activities aiming for the social accountability, that is, accountability of governments towards societies. In this article I am analyzing activities of prominent Serbian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the field of fostering government accountability. The analysis focuses on their ability to shift the balance of social and political power away from the state. The analysis is primarily based on empirical data collected through a series of in-depth interviews with representatives of NGOs. It reveals that NGOs follow policy-not-politics, that is, a depoliticized approach, that they target individual citizens and not social groups and nurture relationships with state institutions and public officials with whom they cooperate. They demonstrate a weak ability to (1) initiate wider civic mobilization or (2) establish solid institutional preconditions for government accountability. Thus, available data suggests that Serbian NGOs have weak potential to contest power of the state and thus contribute to strengthening government accountability and rule of law.

2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Jaloliddin Ne'matjonovich Polvanov ◽  

This article discusses the formation of views on a democratic state governed by the rule of law and civil society. The article also discusses the state guarantees and support for the protection of non-governmental organizations. In legal democracies, strong governance is largely the responsibility of civil society institutions. At the same time, the direct participation of the public in the implementation of governance will be expanded. A self-governing society is based on strong non-governmental structures.


2020 ◽  
pp. 156-165
Author(s):  
Iryna Tkachuk

Introduction. The functioning of the civil society institutions is beneficial for the state, as it delegates part of its powers to them. Accordingly, it is important for the state that the activities of these institutions be effective and efficient, which significantly depends on the financial resources at their disposal. The state cannot influence the financial position of all civil society institutions, the financial literacy of their representatives, the activity of individuals and legal entities in their support, and so on. Therefore, in order to increase the level of financial capacity of civil society organizations, it should use those tools that are directly available to the state. However, in our opinion, one of such tools is public funding, which still needs to be completely reset and revised. The purpose of the article is to investigate the current state and features of the distribution of public funding between those non-governmental organizations that have the right to it, and to suggest ways to improve it. Results. The current state of the state funding of non-governmental organizations of Ukraine, which, in accordance with current legislation, are entitled to it, is studied. Indicators of general financing of public organizations of Ukraine from the State budget, as well as such indicators as the share of revenues from state funding in the general structure of revenues of non-governmental organizations of Ukraine and the share of expenditures to support non-governmental organizations in the State Budget of Ukraine are analyzed. The presence of elements of discrimination and subjectivity in the distribution of public funding in favor of non-governmental organizations of Ukraine was revealed. It is proposed to use the method of "money follows the client" to eliminate these shortcomings and improve the process of distribution of public funding between non-governmental organizations that have a legal right to it. The possibility of pilot introduction of the above-mentioned method for the distribution of state funding between non-governmental organizations of physical culture and sports and the legislative changes that need to be adopted for this purpose are substantiated. A mechanism for determining the amount of funding for a particular organization is proposed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.


Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


Author(s):  
Kamil Demirhan

This study finds out the use of Facebook by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey to engage the social and political events of the country. NGOs are civil society organizations aiming at promoting participation of citizens in social and political issues. They are a part of democratic system and they have important role to struggle with corruptions and improve the legitimacy of political-legal organization in political system. NGOs work using social networks and promoting civic culture. Therefore, the use of new communication and interaction channels is necessary for NGOs to develop social networks and civic participation. Social media can be a new channel to promote social and political life. This study focuses on Facebook activities of 40 NGOs selected from eight different activity fields: politics, environment, woman rights, economy, emergency, education, human rights, and democracy. It uses content analysis method to understand the NGOs' activities in Facebook, in terms of social and political issues realized in the year of 2012.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Kate Mah

This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 595-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moore ◽  
Zenzo Moyo

Research on NGOs in rural Zimbabwe suggests that ideas of automatic opposition between ‘civil society’ and/or non-governmental organizations and authoritarian states are too simple. Rather, relations between state and non-state organizations such as those referenced in this article, in the rural district of Mangwe about 200 kilometres south-west of Zimbabwe’s Bulawayo, are symbiotic. This contrasts with urban areas where political histories have led to more contested state-civil society relations in the last two decades, during which social movements with a degree of counter-hegemonic (or counter-regime) aspirations were allied with many NGOs and opposition political parties. Gramsci’s idea of ‘rural intellectuals’ could complement the widely used notion of ‘organic intellectuals’ to examine the members of the intelligentsia appearing to be at one with subordinate groups in the countryside and at odds with the state. Likewise state workers distant from the centre and close to their class peers in NGOs as well as their ‘subjects’ may operate with autonomy from their masters in ruling parties and states to assist, rather than repress, citizens and also to co-operate with NGO workers. This research indicates that discerning how hegemony works across whole state-society complexes is more complicated than usually perceived, given the many regional variations therein.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (9/10) ◽  
pp. 662-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominika Vergara Polanska ◽  
Galia Chimiak

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine motivations of social activists in informal initiatives and to understand why they opt for this more spontaneous and self-organized activism while openly defying the hitherto established way of founding non-governmental organizations. Design/methodology/approach On the basis of a case study of Poland, which had one of the most vibrant civil societies in the socialist region, it is argued that the characteristics ascribed to the functioning of civil society after the toppling of socialism are not reflected in its more recent state. A broader definition of civil society and social activism is suggested to include new types of informal activism, which tend to be over-looked and under-studied. The analysis is built on qualitative and quantitative data gathered in 2014-2015. Findings The argument put forward is that un-institutionalized engagement is qualitatively different from its formal and institutionalized counterpart. The recent growth of informal activism is indicative of a rebirth of communitarian engagement in Polish civil society and a reaction to the underside of its institutionalization. Originality/value In spite of the seminal role played by societal self-organization in the overturning of the socialist system in Eastern European countries, the development of civil society in the region after 1989 has been repeatedly described as passive and characterized by distrustful or individualist attitudes. However, these civil societies have been changing since, and these more recent developments have been neglected by scholars.


Author(s):  
Inese Grumolte-Lerhe ◽  
◽  
Ainārs Lerhis ◽  

The aim of this article is to analyse the activity of agents of civil society – the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia, which create and disseminate the interpretations of historic milestones of the 20th century. The article demonstrates how factors, which have classically been regarded as characte-ristics for the civil society that is independent from direct interference of the state, become the tools directly controlled by the state. Thus, democratic and rational discussion on milestones of history is dis-torted. Several NGOs disseminate narratives elaborated and supported one-sidedly by the state while pre-sented as independent from it and thus – reliable and sound. The arguments put forward by these agents to justify their claims marginalize alternative views due to their imperative nature.


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