From Local Activism to Local Politics: The Case of Moscow

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 595-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moore ◽  
Zenzo Moyo

Research on NGOs in rural Zimbabwe suggests that ideas of automatic opposition between ‘civil society’ and/or non-governmental organizations and authoritarian states are too simple. Rather, relations between state and non-state organizations such as those referenced in this article, in the rural district of Mangwe about 200 kilometres south-west of Zimbabwe’s Bulawayo, are symbiotic. This contrasts with urban areas where political histories have led to more contested state-civil society relations in the last two decades, during which social movements with a degree of counter-hegemonic (or counter-regime) aspirations were allied with many NGOs and opposition political parties. Gramsci’s idea of ‘rural intellectuals’ could complement the widely used notion of ‘organic intellectuals’ to examine the members of the intelligentsia appearing to be at one with subordinate groups in the countryside and at odds with the state. Likewise state workers distant from the centre and close to their class peers in NGOs as well as their ‘subjects’ may operate with autonomy from their masters in ruling parties and states to assist, rather than repress, citizens and also to co-operate with NGO workers. This research indicates that discerning how hegemony works across whole state-society complexes is more complicated than usually perceived, given the many regional variations therein.


Author(s):  
Inese Grumolte-Lerhe ◽  
◽  
Ainārs Lerhis ◽  

The aim of this article is to analyse the activity of agents of civil society – the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia, which create and disseminate the interpretations of historic milestones of the 20th century. The article demonstrates how factors, which have classically been regarded as characte-ristics for the civil society that is independent from direct interference of the state, become the tools directly controlled by the state. Thus, democratic and rational discussion on milestones of history is dis-torted. Several NGOs disseminate narratives elaborated and supported one-sidedly by the state while pre-sented as independent from it and thus – reliable and sound. The arguments put forward by these agents to justify their claims marginalize alternative views due to their imperative nature.


Author(s):  
Bohdan Kopylchak

Relevance of the research topic. It is impossible to build a civil society without forming an effective engine of its development in all spheres of the state. In order to take measures in a sphere of youth politics, the public authorities should get support to its subjects including Youth NGO’s. NGO which is able to develop singly and develop subjects around during a long period of time should become a basis for improving youth policy of the state. Such development is only possible with the help of mechanisms and tools of strategic management, which makes this research up-to-date. Formulation of the problem. Strategic management of developing an organisation requires a detailed study from the point of view of development and implementation of management concept. It states mechanisms and tools which should be used in the organisation`s activity. In regard with the fact that development of NGO was forced by both evolutional and revolutionary changes, the possibility of applying the developed concepts of strategic management for the functioning of concrete types of organisations should be critically analysed. Analysis of the last research and publications. Theory of concepts of strategic management was thoroughly reviewed in works by M. Nebava, O. Ratushnyak, V. Ortina, L. Fedulowa, Z. Shershnyova and O. Stoliarenko. In addition to this, researches on strategic management were also considered. In works of A.Tompsom and A.Stricland, K.Prahalad and H.Hamel, I.Nonaka and H.Takeuchi and B.Wernerfeld. Strategic management in NGO’s was considered by M.Zemba, V.Melenivska, O. Hlebushkina, H.Kachura, T.Azarova, L.Abramova etc. However, the implementation of concepts of strategic management in the activity of NGO’s is not studied enough. This causes a need for thorough comprehensive research which requires a detailed analysis of existing concepts and approaches to strategic management. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. It is hard for youth NGO’s in Ukraine to pick up an effective concept of strategic management. It is a result of both operating conditions and absence of thorough theoretical basis so as most of the concepts were developed for the functioning of the commercial organisation. So, the important part of the problem which needs a solution is a definition of main provisions of the concept of strategic management which will meet the needs of development of Youth NGO. Setting the task, the purpose of the study. Among the main objectives of the article which let to approach the solution of the stated problem can be highlighted the necessity of developing a system of methods and tools of strategic management of Youth NGO. On the basis of this system and existing concepts, it is expedient to form a model of a concept of strategic management of Youth NGOs. Method or methodology of conducting research. Methods of system-structural analysis and synthesis, retrospection, dialectical and methods of generalization, grouping, comparison and other methods became a methodological basis of the article. Presentation of the main material (results of the work). The article considers the necessity of using the paradigm of strategic management for the development of the organization. The system of methods and tools of strategic management of youth non-governmental organizations is developed. The stages of development of the concepts of strategic management are analysed. The link between the strategic objectives of youth non-governmental organizations is determined. The concept of comprehensive strategic management for use by youth non-governmental organizations is proposed. Field of application of the results. Results of this research may be applied during management of the Youth NGO and during the formation of the state’s youth policy according to participants of NGOs in building up the civil society. Conclusions according to the article. Application of the concept of strategic management allows the youth NGOs to change the way of acting from management according to operative tasks to strategic management with the help of a comprehensive approach to perspectives of NGO’s development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Jaloliddin Ne'matjonovich Polvanov ◽  

This article discusses the formation of views on a democratic state governed by the rule of law and civil society. The article also discusses the state guarantees and support for the protection of non-governmental organizations. In legal democracies, strong governance is largely the responsibility of civil society institutions. At the same time, the direct participation of the public in the implementation of governance will be expanded. A self-governing society is based on strong non-governmental structures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 230-247
Author(s):  
Marva Khan ◽  
Muhammad Atif Sheikh ◽  
Abia Akram

This chapter delves into the evolution of disability rights and assistive technology in Pakistan. The chapter firstly highlights various initiatives toward increasing inclusivity for disabled persons by all three branches of the state, namely, the executive, legislature, and the judiciary. Next, the chapter traces how contemporary advancements in technology have bolstered inclusivity, with a considerable role played by private educational and corporate institutions and non-governmental organizations. It then highlights the various avenues of public–private partnerships that have opened up because of information and communications technology (ICT) advancements. The chapter culminates with recommendations for the state and civil society to further tap into channels such as corporate social responsibility and provide a nurturing ground to the private sector to further bolster the ongoing efforts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Watson ◽  
Regan Burles

Securitization theory (ST) has succeeded in putting the relation between politics and security at the forefront of research in security studies. Despite this success, little attention has been given to the way states themselves produce the boundaries of legitimate political activity, particularly in relation to the boundaries between civil society and the state and between the foreign and domestic. This article is concerned with how states see the boundary between the political and the non-political as a matter of security. It investigates this question by examining the international and national efforts to restrict the financing of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society actors. It demonstrates that these entities are deemed threatening to the established boundaries of legitimate political activity and thus subject to harassment, increased regulation, and eradication. This is done by the depiction of their activities as political, rather than humanitarian/cultural/social, demonstrating that the concepts of politics operative in the ST literature are already delimited through processes of securitization and depoliticization. Continued research into the relation between politics and security must therefore consider the ways that the political itself is securitized.


2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-88
Author(s):  
М.М. Muratova ◽  
◽  
М. Onuchko ◽  

This article is devoted to the study of the international and Kazakhstani experience of building, regulation of relations between the state and civil society institutions, the definition of modern directions for the development of the third sector of Kazakhstan, as well as barriers and constraints that impede the transformation of relations between government bodies and non-profit organizations. In the framework of the study the experience of European states was taken, as countries that in historical perspective have the greatest experience in establishing relationships with the civil sector. On the basis of the study, the authors identified general tendencies that characterize the relations between the state and civil society, which are expressed in the strengthening of support for the third sector, the managerial and controlling functions of civil society institutions, as well as the replacement of some areas of activity of state bodies by non-governmental organizations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Alkum Mysara

It is substantiated that today more and more people understand that the conflict is generally unprofitable and unconstructive for society. The world community has come to understand that reconciling interests, that is, finding a consensus solution, is the best result of interaction between the parties. It is also evident that participants in the course of finding solutions to each other should demonstrate their personal ability to hear the opinions of other participants and try to bring them into their actions and proposals. Under these circumstances, it’s important to be set up for an «effective dialogue» to all parties to such interaction. They should strive to find compromises, to work out common visions on ways to solve problems, and to make a single joint decision that will take into account the interests of all, and in the future - to control its implementation. The conceptual approach to establishing interaction between the state and civil society institutions is analyzed. It is noted that during its introduction there are two main problems. First, there are no clear, accessible and well-developed channels of interaction between non-governmental organizations and the state. Therefore, the government should be obliged under the agreement not only to specify its priorities and goals of cooperation, but also to create clear and accessible channels of interaction. Secondly, if the methods of interaction are not developed enough, to ensure the real representation of the interests of communities will be impossible. Therefore, for example, the Welsh Treaty emphasizes the procedures that the state must take to ensure the possibility of a broad democratic representation of interests by non-governmental organizations. This includes, for example, the requirement to hold consultations with the sector on issues that may affect its interests. It also includes early warning of non-governmental organizations about possible policy changes and new developments, potential problems, as long as they are just emerging, providing sufficient time to conduct consultations, feedback on the outcome of consultations and opportunities for participation in policy implementation and evaluation. To effectively represent the interests of non-governmental organizations, all these issues need to be addressed (included in the treaty).


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