Aufbaugenerationen in der Arbeiterrentenversicherung: Entnazifizierung und personelle Kontinuitäten nach 1945

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 215-241
Author(s):  
Christoph Wehner ◽  
von Miquel Marc

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht personalpolitische Umbrüche in der Rentenversicherung nach 1945 im Zuge der alliierten Entnazifizierungspolitik. Am Beispiel der Landesversicherungsanstalten Baden, Westfalen und Württemberg wird zunächst die politische Prägung der zentralen Leitungspersonen in der NS-Zeit vorgestellt, ehe im Anschluss näher auf die Entnazifizierungspolitik in den unterschiedlichen Regionen und die Personalpolitik bei den einzelnen LVAen eingegangen wird. Dabei nimmt der Beitrag insbesondere generationelle Dynamiken in den Blick und zeichnet anhand der in den demokratischen Wiederaufbau involvierten Personen das Bild heterogener „Aufbaugenerationen“. Abstract Personnel policy dynamics in pension insurance after 1945 in the context of the Allied denazification policy The essay focuses on the personnel policy dynamics in pension insurance after 1945 against the background of the Allied denazification policy. Using the example of the Landesversicherungsanstalten Baden, Westfalen and Württemberg, the essay at first examines the political character of the central management staff which is followed by a closer look at the denacification policies in the different regions and the personnel policy at the individual LVAs. In doing so, the article focuses especially on generational dynamics and, by taking the example of central persons involved in the process of democratization, draws the picture of heterogeneous “Aufbaugenerationen”.

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-241
Author(s):  
Christoph Wehner ◽  
von Miquel Marc

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht personalpolitische Umbrüche in der Rentenversicherung nach 1945 im Zuge der alliierten Entnazifizierungspolitik. Am Beispiel der Landesversicherungsanstalten Baden, Westfalen und Württemberg wird zunächst die politische Prägung der zentralen Leitungspersonen in der NS-Zeit vorgestellt, ehe im Anschluss näher auf die Entnazifizierungspolitik in den unterschiedlichen Regionen und die Personalpolitik bei den einzelnen LVAen eingegangen wird. Dabei nimmt der Beitrag insbesondere generationelle Dynamiken in den Blick und zeichnet anhand der in den demokratischen Wiederaufbau involvierten Personen das Bild heterogener „Aufbaugenerationen“. Abstract Personnel policy dynamics in pension insurance after 1945 in the context of the Allied denazification policy The essay focuses on the personnel policy dynamics in pension insurance after 1945 against the background of the Allied denazification policy. Using the example of the Landesversicherungsanstalten Baden, Westfalen and Württemberg, the essay at first examines the political character of the central management staff which is followed by a closer look at the denacification policies in the different regions and the personnel policy at the individual LVAs. In doing so, the article focuses especially on generational dynamics and, by taking the example of central persons involved in the process of democratization, draws the picture of heterogeneous “Aufbaugenerationen”.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


Author(s):  
Sara Brill

Aristotle on the Concept of Shared Life studies Aristotle’s understanding of the political character of human intimacy via an examination of the zoological frame informing his political theory. It argues that the concept of shared life, i.e. the forms of intimacy that arise from the possession of logos and the capacity for choice, is central to human political partnership, and serves to locate that life within the broader context of living beings as such, where it emerges as an intensification of animal sociality. As such it challenges a long-standing approach to the role of the animal in Aristotle’s thought, and to the recent reception of Aristotle’s thinking about the political valence of life and living beings.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Alexander Rubtsov

In the article, the relationship between the highest professional specialization of philosophy and its involvement in the realities of everyday life consciousness, collective and individual, are considered. Karl Jaspers defines philosophy precisely through the natural need and ability of human being as such, from the piercing questions of children to the revelations of anomalous geniuses. Great philosophers only concentrate this sleeping ability in a person to see the world directly and every time anew. Rightly considered the most closed type of intellectual activity, philosophy at the same time provides examples of live communication and direct appeal to people and society.  The fact that each of us is the bearer of philosophical ideas (whether we are aware of it or not) leads to the problem of ideology. By analogy with the constitution of the political by Carl Schmitt through the opposition "friend — enemy", ideology is constituted by the opposition of "faith — knowledge" in a single continuum between the poles of "almost religion" and "almost philosophy". If ideology asserts the non-obvious as obvious, then the mission of philosophy is a systematic criticism of the obvious.  This conflict manifests itself both in society and in the consciousness of an individual.  The classic understanding of ideology as a purely external manipulation (“consciousness for the Other”) is challenged by the presence in the consciousness of the individual subject of “internal dialogue” and “internal speech” with the effects of ideological work and ideological struggle with oneself (the individual as a micromodel of society and the state).  Postmodern all the more accentuates the non-professional dimension of philosophy by rejecting the schemes of progress and hierarchy, the logic of binary oppositions, including high and low, center and marginal, specialized and amateur.  The ability to reflect is the most important feature of a sovereign personality in its resistance to the "penetrating" ideology and new mythology, degrading to intellectual barbarism and political savagery.


2021 ◽  
pp. arabic cover-english cover
Author(s):  
أحمد حساني

يندرج هذا البحث ضمن مشروع تأسيسي، وتأصيلي هادف، يسعى إلى تعزيز المقاربة اللسانية البينية للنسق اللغوي بكل مكوناته، والبحث عن قوة الحضور التي يمتلكها، والسلطة التي يمارسها على الفرد منتجِ الخطاب، وعلى الجماعة التي تشكل المجتمع اللغوي؛ حيث إنَّ اللغة قوة فاعلة لها سلطة داخلية وخارجية، تتجلى سلطتها الداخلية في نظامها القواعدي المعقد الذي يوجد بصفة مضمرة في أذهان المتكلمين- المستمعين الذين ينتمون إلى مجتمع له خصوصيات ثقافية وحضارية متجانسة. وتتجلى سلطتها الخارجية في المؤسسة السياسية، والاجتماعية والعرفية التي تكرّس شرعية النسق اللغوي في المجتمع اللغوي. وفي ظل هذا التصور، انصرفت هذه المقاربة إلى التعامل مع النسق اللغوي، من حيث هو سلطة قهرية، والبحث في علاقته باللغة العالمة من جهة، واللغة المؤسسية من جهة أخرى. تسعى هذه الدراسة، حينئذٍ، إلى إيجاد إجابات علميةكافية، عن كثير من الأسئلة التي ما فتئت تشغل بال الباحثين، على اختلاف اهتماماتهم العلمية أثناء اتخاذهم اللغة موضوعًا للتفكير، والبحث المؤسس. نذكر في هذا المقام بعضَها لأهميته: 1- ما القوة الخفية الكامنة في (ما وراء) ممارسة اللغة لسلطتها القهرية لدى الأفراد والمجتمعات؟ 2- كيف شكلت الرواسب الأدائية للكلام هذه السلطة عبر التاريخ ؟ 3- إلى أي حد يمكن للغتين؛ العالمة، والمؤسسية التأثير في مسار النسق اللغوي في مجتمع المعرفة، والنظام المؤسسي في المجتمع؟ This research falls within a constituent, and Authentic project that seeks to enhance Interdisciplinary approach with all components parts of linguistic system to search for the presence power, that possesses the power, that it exercises on the individual who produces the discourse, and on the group; which make up the linguistic community as an effective force language, that has internal and external authority, which reflects its internal authority in its complex grammatical system, that exists implicitly in the minds of speakers - listeners belonging to a society with homogeneous cultural and civilizational privacies. The external authority is manifested in the political, social, and traditional institution; that devotes the legitimacy of the linguistic system in the linguistic community. Under this scenario; the approach went out to deal with the linguistic system in terms of it is a compulsive authority research, and its relationship to the scholarly language on the hand, and the institutional language on the other hand. This intervention seeks to find scientific answers for many questions, that still preoccupy the researchers from different scientific interests during taking the language as a topic of thought and institutional research. We mention certain questions for its importance: 1- What is the hidden power behind language practicing its oppressive authority in individuals and societies? 2- How did the performance remnants of speech shape this authority throughout history? 3- To what extent can the scholarly language and institutional languages influence the path of a linguistic system in the knowledge society, and the institutional system in the community?


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (45) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Thiago Vargas

Retomando uma leitura política e social da Carta a d’Alembert proposta por Bento Prado Jr. e Luiz Roberto Salinas Fortes, este artigo busca estender e desdobrar algumas importantes implicações desta tradição de leitura: investigar uma reflexão econômica e os desenvolvimentos de uma economia política associada aos espetáculos, conforme apresentada na Carta. Afinal, contestando uma específica concepção de espetáculo defendida pelos enciclopedistas, Rousseau, sublinhando o caráter político presente nos debates sobre a atividade teatral, incessantemente se atenta para o contexto social e econômico no qual uma peça se insere. Neste contexto, considerando-se ainda a oposição que a Carta apresenta contra etnocentrismo dos philosophes, pretendemos analisar como então é desenvolvida uma crítica à ociosidade – ou uma apologia ao trabalho – que tem em vista fortalecer os argumentos dirigidos contra o teatro parisiense. Exploraremos, portanto, os aspectos de economia política que compõem a argumentação de Rousseau ao longo do texto. [Resuming a political and social reading on the Letter to d’Alembert proposed by Bento Prado Jr. and Luiz Roberto Salinas Fortes, this paper aims to further important consequences carried out by this tradition: to analyze an economic reflection and the developments of political economy thoughts associated with the theatre, as presented in Rousseau’s Letter to d’Alembert. Challenging a specific conception of spectacles advocated by the encyclopedists, Rousseau, highlighting the political character present in the discussions on the theatrical activity, draws attention to the social context in which a play takes place. In this context, and considering the opposition that the Letter presents against the philosophes’ ethnocentrism, we aim to analyze how a critique of idleness – or a praise of labor – is developed, with a view to strengthen the arguments pointed against the Parisian theatre. Most of all, we will seek to highlight the political and economic aspects that make up Rousseau’s arguments.]


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Mariana de Genova Ferreira ◽  
Gisele Pereira de Souza

Ao analisar as teorias de Pierre Bourdieu e Paulo Freire sobre educação, bem como a posição acadêmica e política dos autores sobre o tema, o artigo pretende refletir sobre projeto ‘Escola sem Partido’ e sua implicação em relação à prática dentro da sala de aula. Tal movimento que, nos últimos tempos, ganhou destaque no cenário brasileiro é contra o que chama de doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte dos professores e a usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos. Constatou-se que no cenário brasileiro atual existe uma iniciativa de diminuir a força da análise crítica dentro das escolas. A própria natureza do ‘Escola sem Partido’ traz essa premissa, pois a intenção de desmerecer a posição política do professor junto aos seus alunos demonstra que o propósito seja desqualificar a iniciativa de incentivar uma consciência crítica, o que, de múltiplas formas discutidas no presente estudo, colabora para que a relação oprimido e opressor prospere.Palavras-chave: Educação. Autonomia do Indivíduo. Escola sem Partido Reflections about ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspired by the theories of Paulo Freire and Pierre BourdieuAnalyzing the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Paulo Freire on education, as well as the academic and political position of the authors on the theme, the article intends to reflect on the project “Escola Sem Partido” and its implication in relation to the practice within the classroom. This movement, which recently gained prominence in the Brazilian scenario, is against what it calls the political and ideological indoctrination of students by teachers and the usurpation of the rights of parents in the moral and religious education of their children. It was found that in the current Brazilian scenario there is an initiative to reduce the force of critical analysis within schools. The very nature of the “Escola Sem Partido” has this premise, since the intention to discredit the teacher’s political position with his students demonstrates that the purpose is to disqualify the initiative to encourage a critical conscience. What, in many ways is discussed in the present study, contributes to the oppressed and oppressive relationship to thrive.Keywords: Education. Autonomy of the Individual. Escola sem Partido. Reflexiones sobre la ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspirada por las teorías de Paulo Freire y Pierre BourdieuRESUMENAl analizar las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu y Paulo Freire sobre educación, así como la posición académica y política de los autores sobre el tema, el artículo pretende reflexionar sobre proyecto “Escola sem Partido” y su implicación con relación a la práctica dentro del aula. Tal movimiento, que en los últimos tiempos ganó destaque en el escenario brasileño está en contra lo que llama de adoctrinamiento político e ideológico de los alumnos por parte de los profesores y la usurpación de los derechos de los padres en la educación moral y religiosa de sus hijos. Se constató que en el escenario brasileño actual existe una iniciativa de disminuir la fuerza del análisis crítico dentro de las escuelas. La propia naturaleza de la “Escola sem Partido” aporta esa premisa, pues la intención de desmerecer la posición política del profesor junto a sus alumnos demuestra que el propósito sea descalificar la iniciativa de incentivar una conciencia crítica. Lo que, de múltiples formas discutidas en el presente estudio, colabora para que la relación oprimido y opresor prospere.Palabras clave: La educación. Autonomía del individuo. Escola sem Partido.


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