‘The only privilege we have’: Wartime Officer Appointment

Author(s):  
Timothy Bowman ◽  
William Butler ◽  
Michael Wheatley

There was a well-established tradition of the Anglo-Irish gentry serving as officers in the British army and this continued into the war. The British army, pre-war, was very class conscious with officers requiring a private income. The costs associated diminished in wartime but officers were still generally from upper and middle-class backgrounds. As with other recruitment in Ireland, officer recruitment was politicised. Officer Training Corps units pre-war were, almost exclusively, at Protestant schools and universities, which meant that few Catholics presenting themselves for commissions could claim previous military training. The War Office quickly commissioned large numbers of Ulster Volunteer officers, who had enlisted with their men in September 1914. Nationalists felt that they were less favoured by the War Office though the National MPs who sought commissions did not do so before 1915. Lieutenant General Sir Lawrence Parsons established a cadet company in the 16th (Irish) Division but this did not assuage Nationalist concerns. An Officer Selection Board was established in Dublin in the Summer of 1915 and, throughout the remainder of the war, it had some success in attracting Catholic recruits for officer training.

Author(s):  
Timothy Bowman ◽  
William Butler ◽  
Michael Wheatley

There was a long tradition of Catholic, as well as Protestant, Irish service within the British armed forces. By 1913, 9% of British regular soldiers were Irish, a figure just slightly below the Irish share of the United Kingdom population. Militia, Yeomanry and Officer Training Corps units, which all attracted part-time amateur soldiers, were also well-recruited, though the wholesale disbandment of militia units in 1908 broke this link between some Irish counties and the British army. This recruitment occurred in spite of determined, if localised and unco-ordinated, attempts made by advanced Nationalists to prevent Irishmen enlisting in the British armed forces. Most recruits were from urban areas and were unskilled workers or unemployed at their time of enlistment. Recruitment rates were disproportionately high in Dublin and Cork, and notably low in industrial Belfast.


2003 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
CATHERINE HALL

This article uses the World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840, and the way in which it was represented in Benjamin Robert Haydon's painting of it, to reflect on the ways in which Britons thought of themselves as an ’imperial people’, ’lords of humankind’, fit to rule over others. The Whig reforms of the 1830s had brought the enfranchisement of large numbers of middle-class men, and the emancipation of the enslaved across the British Empire. Excavating the assumptions of the abolitionists who gathered at the Convention allows us to see how new hierarchies of difference were encoded by 1840, placing freed black men, middle-class women and Irish Catholics on the margins of the new body politic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-215
Author(s):  
William A. Cohen

Vanity Fair (1848) famously opens with a departure. As Becky Sharpe flounces off from Miss Pinkerton's academy, she takes leave of her patron by telling her “in a very unconcerned manner … and with a perfect accent, ‘Mademoiselle, je viens vous faire mes adieux.’” Miss Pinkerton, we learn, “did not understand French, she only directed those who did: but biting her lips and throwing up her venerable and Roman-nosed head … said, ‘Miss Sharp, I wish you a good morning’” (7). This performance of befuddlement on the part of a respectable schoolmistress bespeaks a whole collection of Victorian cultural norms about language competence in general and about the French language in particular. Even though the action is set in a period when Becky's speaking “French with purity and a Parisian accent … [was] rather a rare accomplishment” (11), the novel was written for a mid-nineteenth-century audience that could mainly count on middle-class young ladies to have acquired this degree of refinement—or at least to aspire to do so.


2019 ◽  
Vol 166 (E) ◽  
pp. e3-e7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalie Heller ◽  
H Stammers

IntroductionThe 1.5-mile best-effort run is used in the British Army to assess the fitness of all recruits and trained service personnel by means of the physical fitness assessment (PFA). The 1.5-mile run is a basic measure of fitness and slower times have been associated with an increased risk of musculoskeletal injury (MSkI), particularly during this early stage of training. The aim of this study was to establish whether 1.5-mile run times were associated with subsequent MSkIs among female recruits during their 14-week basic training.MethodRetrospective data were analysed from female recruits who had undertaken basic military training between June 2016 and October 2017. This included retrieving the results of their week 1 PFA; recording the type, cause and week of MSkI if they had sustained one; and noting down their outcome from basic training. Run times were statistically analysed in relation to MSkI occurrence of 227 female recruits using binomial logistic regression with an accepted alpha level of p value <0.05.Results1.5-mile run time predicted risk of MSkI (χ2 (1)=12.91, p<0.0005) in female recruits. The mean run time for injury-free recruits was faster than for injured recruits (12 min 13 s compared with 12 min 43 s). Every 10 s increase in run time was associated with an 8.3% increase in risk of injury.ConclusionSlower 1.5-mile best-effort run time, as a surrogate of aerobic fitness, is associated with increased risk of MSkI in female recruits during basic training.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-161
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bendor ◽  
Jacob N. Shapiro

AbstractHistorians and some scholars of international relations have long argued that historical contingencies play a critical role in the evolution of the international system, but have not explained whether they do so to a greater extent than in other domains or why such differences may exist. The authors address these lacunae by identifying stable differences between war and other policy domains that render the evolution of the international system more subject to chance events than those other domains. The selection environment of international politics has produced tightly integrated organizations (militaries) as the domain’s key players to a much greater degree than other policy domains. Because there are few players, no law of large numbers holds, and because militaries are tightly integrated, microshocks can reverberate up to macro-organizational levels. The anarchic character of the international system amplifies the impact of these shocks. The authors explore these phenomena in a range of historical examples.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (8S) ◽  
pp. 114-114
Author(s):  
Thomas J. O'Leary ◽  
Sophie L. Wardle ◽  
Rebecca L. Double ◽  
Robert M. Gifford ◽  
Rebecca M. Reynolds ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Ruben van Wendel de Joode ◽  
Sebastian Spaeth

Most open source software is developed in online communities. These communities are typically referred to as “open source software communities” or “OSS communities.” In OSS communities, the source code, which is the human-readable part of software, is treated as something that is open and that should be downloadable and modifiable to anyone who wishes to do so. The availability of the source code has enabled a practice of decentralized software development in which large numbers of people contribute time and effort. Communities like Linux and Apache, for instance, have been able to connect thousands of individual programmers and professional organizations (although most project communities remain relatively small). These people and organizations are not confined to certain geographical places; on the contrary, they come from literally all continents and they interact and collaborate virtually.


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