An Examination of the View that Political Power in the Arab World Rests Simply on a Regime`s control of the Military and Security Services (Three Case Studies: Ehypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-319
Author(s):  
Kamal M. Astal .
2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Glasze ◽  
Abdallah Alkhayyal

The authors analyze the cultural, economic, and political background of new gated housing estates in the Arab world with the aid of case studies in Lebanon and Riyadh. Their question is to what extent these developments represent a reappearance of the fragmented settlement patterns in many of the old towns. On the one hand, new compounds of several villas and common facilities housing extended families in Riyadh may be interpreted as a revival of certain sociospatial settings in the old town, in which extended families often shared a common courtyard. The compounds for Western foreigners in Saudi Arabia follow the principle of spatial seclusion of social groups with different cultural and religious backgrounds—a principle of the sociospatial organization of many old towns in the Arab world. The emergence of gated housing estates in Lebanon, on the other hand, has obvious and specific sociopolitical origins in the 20th century. The failure of public regimentation and provision created a gap, which was partially filled by the private sector. For their mostly wealthy clientele, gated housing estates offer private small-scale solutions to nationwide problems.


2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elie Podeh

AbstractAccording to Islamic tradition, the bay'a (translated as investiture or an oath of allegiance) is an act by which a certain number of persons, acting individually or collectively, recognize the authority of another person as the head of a Muslim state. This article analyzes the different modern political uses of the bay'a in the Arab world. Based on research of seven Arab case studies—the Kingdom of Hijaz, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia, the article presents three arguments: First, the bay'a evolved into an elastic term politically used in a variety of ways by different Arab regimes. Second, the evoking of the bay'a ritual has often been a response to a domestic necessity or crisis. Finally, the use of this traditional ritual, along modern Western symbolic artifacts, is an indication of the evolving hybrid nature of the Arab political culture, based on a market of a mixed reservoir of foreign and local rituals and symbols. The interplay between foreign and local artifacts depends on the state's specific historical circumstances, which include also the impact of the colonial period. Ultimately, the modern uses of the bay'a demonstrate that modernity, in its Western version, has not been adopted wholesale. The bay'a ritual has been kept almost intact only in Saudi Arabia—a territory which did not go through the colonial experience. In contrast, Iraq, Syria and Jordan, which were under colonial rule, used an adapted version of this instrument on a temporary and utilitarian basis.


Author(s):  
Ayman Al-Yassini

More than any other time in Saudi Arabia’s history, Saudi nationalism and the role of the military in society are becoming a major source of regime legitimacy. Military expenditure is exceeding allocations to other ministries, and Saudi Arabia surpassed its past spending on the military to become one of the world’s main importers of arms, particularly from the United States. The process of increased militarization corresponded with the concentration of power in the hands of Crown Prince and Minister of Defense Muhammad Ibn Salman. It ushered in a period of drastic restructuring of military and security agencies to consolidate his rule. On the regional level, Saudi Arabia increasingly projects itself as the leader of the Arab world, including the Gulf region, in fighting terrorism and in direct challenge to Iran’s positioning to assume regional dominance. However, the surge in spending on equipment and training has never translated into an effective fighting force that would enable the kingdom to protect itself internally or engage in military ventures abroad. Consequently, and in the process of consolidating his power, Ibn Salman initiated a number of changes. He secured the support of the younger generation of royals but sidelined the more senior members of the royal family. He pacified the religious establishment and restructured the military leadership. He became deputy Prime Minister, Chairman of the Council for Economic and Development Affairs, Chairman of the Council of Political and Security Affairs, and Minister of Defense. Ibn Salman’s role as Minister of Defense enabled him to assert full control over the military and national security agencies. Throughout this process, Wahabbism, tribalism, economic rewards, and the steady flow of advanced armaments ensured the military’s continued allegiance to al-Saud and Ibn Salman’s vision for Saudi Arabia. Ibn Salman introduced a top-down plan (Vision 2030) intended to create employment, to diversify the economy, and to reshape the social and cultural life of the kingdom. The kingdom adopted a more aggressive foreign policy, and the military became an important instrument of this policy. In departure from long-standing practices, the kingdom deployed air and ground forces outside its borders. It joined the U.S.-led air raids against the Islamic State (ISIS), and air and ground forces have been deployed in the campaign in Yemen. It also resorted to traditional means of influencing regional politics through financing local allies and the promotion of the kingdom as the guardian of Sunni Islam. The rentier base of the Saudi economy enabled the kingdom to spend billions of dollars to purchase an impressive array of military hardware from the United States, Britain, France, and other countries, making Saudi Arabia among the top nations in the world in terms of spending for the military. However, the military’s performance on the battlefield, such as in the Yemen war, have shown that heavy spending is not translated into an effective fighting force that would protect the kingdom internally or externally. Restructuring the military organization did not produce a modern fighting force. Tribalism, lack of transparency, and discrepancy between ambition and reality continue to prevail. It remains to be seen if Ibn Salman’s national modernization process, including a push to build a domestic armament industry and to reform the military establishment as a whole, will succeed. The challenge for Saudi Arabia today is how to balance its development initiatives with maintaining the traditional bases of regime legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Ephraim Kahana

The State of Israel was established only in 1948, but in its fifty-seven years of existence, its intelligence community has been one of the most professional and effective in the world. The Israel Mossad has become the leading agency in Israel's success in the conflict with the Arab states. Its mission not only includes that of ascertaining the plans and strengths of the Arab military forces opposing Israel but also the work of combating Arab terrorism in Israel and abroad against Israeli and Jewish targets, collecting sensitive technical data, and conducting political-liaison and propaganda operations. The Israel intelligence community is composed of four separate components: the Mossad is responsible for intelligence gathering and operations in foreign countries; the Israeli Security Agency controls internal security and intelligence within the occupied territories; the Military Intelligence is responsible for collecting military, geographic, and economic intelligence, particularly in the Arab world and along Israel's borders; and the Center for Political Research in the Foreign Ministry prepares analysis for government policymakers based on raw intelligence and analytical papers. This article discusses the organization, failures, and successes of the Israeli intelligence. Particular attention is given to the huge mistakes and failures of the Israeli intelligence. Discussions included herein are: the evolution of the Israeli intelligence and the future challenges of the intelligence system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sa’ed H. Zyoud

Abstract Background At the global level and in the Arab world, particularly in low-income countries, COVID-19 remains a major public health issue. As demonstrated by an incredible number of COVID-19-related publications, the research science community responded rapidly. Therefore, this study was intended to assess the growing contribution of the Arab world to global research on COVID-19. Methods For the period between December 2019 and March 2021, the search for publications was conducted via the Scopus database using terms linked to COVID-19. VOSviewer 1.6.16 software was applied to generate a network map to assess hot topics in this area and determine the collaboration patterns between different countries. Furthermore, the research output of Arab countries was adjusted in relation to population size and gross domestic product (GDP). Results A total of 143,975 publications reflecting the global overall COVID-19 research output were retrieved. By restricting analysis to the publications published by the Arab countries, the research production was 6131 documents, representing 4.26% of the global research output regarding COVID-19. Of all these publications, 3990 (65.08%) were original journal articles, 980 (15.98%) were review articles, 514 (8.38%) were letters and 647 (10.55%) were others, such as editorials or notes. The highest number of COVID-19 publications was published by Saudi Arabia (n = 2186, 35.65%), followed by Egypt (n = 1281, 20.78%) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), (n = 719, 11.73%). After standardization by population size and GDP, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Lebanon had the highest publication productivity. The collaborations were mostly with researchers from the United States (n = 968), followed by the United Kingdom (n = 661). The main research lines identified in COVID-19 from the Arab world are related to: public health and epidemiology; immunological and pharmaceutical research; signs, symptoms and clinical diagnosis; and virus detection. Conclusions A novel analysis of the latest Arab COVID-19-related studies is discussed in the current study and how these findings are connected to global production. Continuing and improving future collaboration between developing and developed countries will also help to facilitate the sharing of responsibilities for COVID-19 in research results and the implementation of policies for COVID-19.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rama Mani ◽  
Thomas G. Weiss

AbstractCulture has been absent from analyses and debates about the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm. The use of the military to enforce a no-fly zone in Libya and to protect civilians took place with support from the local population and more widely across the Arab World even when the dominant 'culture' supposedly made outside interference unthinkable. As R2P enters its second decade, a deeper understanding of culture is desirable, as is the incorporation of cultural perspectives in framing responses to mass atrocities. UN debates and resolutions have helped dispel myths about R2P and reaffirmed its validity as a universal norm that is close to a 'tipping point'. Instead of an 'emerging' norm (the original contention in 2001 by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty), R2P has 'emerged' as consensus continues to widen and deepen across the North and the global South. This essay shares insights from research about cultural perspectives in the global South from local researchers who explore three themes (religion and spirituality, philosophy and ethics, and art and aesthetics) and three country cases (Rwanda, Kosovo, and Nepal).


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elke Krahmann

In 2012, the United Nations approved new Guidelines on the Use of Armed Private Security Companies by its agencies, funds and programmes. The Guidelines hold the potential to not only enhance the quality of armed security services contracted by the un, but also raise professional standards within the military and security industry more generally by serving as a model for other consumers and companies. Nevertheless, a close reading of the Guidelines indicates that there is still room for improvements. Drawing on best practices identified by industry associations, major clients and academic research, this article makes six recommendations for revision. Specifically, the article contends that expanding the scope, content and enforcement of the Guidelines would contribute to strengthening the control over private security contractors.


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